The Stand of the CPC - Moni Guha
7. The Stand of the CPC
Bourgeois nationalism and proletarian internationalism - these are two great class camps throughout the capitalist world and express the two policies (nay, the two world out-looks) in the national question, (Lenin, C.W. vol. 20, emphasis in original).
We will reproduce in this chapter the stand of the CPC from the well-known document. More on the historical experience of the dictatorship of the proletariat – a CPC joint editorial article published by the Peoples Daily in December, 1956, stating its position on equality, independence , sovereignty , the role and task of the proletarian Party, relations among socialist states, Communist Parties , proletarian internationalism and nationalism etc., accusing Stalin as big nation chauvinist and defending Yugoslav position. The document contains the fundamental stand of the CPC. This document, it may be noted, was approvingly reproduced in New Times, Moscow, in its January 10, 1957 issue. Moreover , this editorial was reprinted , published and distributed in India free in a booklet form by G. Efimov, representative of the Information Department, Embassy of USSR in India and was printed at New Age Printing Press , New Delhi by D.P. Sinha. It is clear from this that both the CPC and C.P.S.U. held the same view on the contents of the document.
Our comments will follow in parentheses and we will demonstrate that the stand of the CPC is against the stand of Lenin and Marxism-Leninism. It will be clear to the readers that the CPC, in alliance with the C.P.S.U., was consolidating and strengthening Tito's theory and practice of bourgeois nationalism in the international communist movement by parading as genuine proletarian internationalism.
The editorial article says: International solidarity of the Communist Parties of all countries is entirely a new type of relationship in the history of mankind. Naturally, the development of such relations cannot proceed without difficulties. The Communist Parties of all countries must unite, but at the same time must retain their independence.
[Ask yourselves, readers, independence from whom and what? Which independence the CPC is speaking of? Independence from the obligation to international organization of the Communist? Independence in expressing views and opinions during discussion in international organization? Or, independence in flouting collective decisions, independence to violate international discipline, independence to advocate national exclusiveness?]
The editorial continues: When the Communist Parties maintain among themselves relations based on equality and achieve unity of views and action through genuine and NOT FORMAL consultations, their solidarity grows stronger. On the other hand, if in their relations they IMPOSE their views upon each other, SUBSTITUTE comradely suggestions by interference in the INTERNAL affairs of each other, this solidarity will by impaired...
[Attention, comrade readers! What the "relations based on equality" means? It means the relations between two independent and sovereign parties. This is against the very Leninist principle of international democratic centralism and international discipline. Why does not the CPC say boldly that it does not agree with the Leninist principle of proletarian party organization? If the solidarity between two national parties is impaired by formal organizational discipline i.e., by obligatory obedience to majority decision; if this is considered imposition',' interference', etc., and if the absence of formal discipline helps to strengthen solidarity, why then, is the Leninist principle of democratic centralism followed in the national sphere? If only through genuine consultation and not through formal discipline on the basis of equality and independence an unity of will and action can really be achieved in the international communist movement, in the international sphere , why should not then, the wise method of consensus be practised in the national communist movement , in the national sphere ? If in the national parties and national spheres democratic centralism is not considered to be a violation of equality and independence or interference in internal affairs of and 'imposition' on lower units or units of other nationalities in a multinational country like China, why should it be considered so in the international sphere? In fact, the Leninist principle of organization, monolithism, organic conception of the proletarian party, everything has been questioned in the above passage, in the name of Marxism-Leninism. Are these not bourgeois concepts and practices of individual’s equality and independence? Where is the idea of revolutionary party- which means, according to Lenin, power, authority? A revolutionary organization of Leninist conception in the national sphere and a liberal hotch-potch conglomeration in the international sphere? It seems that the CPC's model for proletarian internationalism is the notorious Second International. Lenin said that The method of old international (Second International) was to refer to such questions [questions concerning the particular country] to be decided by the separate party in the countries concerned. THAT WAS FUNDAMENTALLY WRONG. It is quite possible that we [meaning here the leadership of the Communist International] are not fully aware of the conditions prevailing in this or that country. BUT WHAT WE ARE DEALING HERE is the principle underlying the tactics of the Communist Party. This is very important and we, in the name of Third International must clearly state here the Communist point of view. (Lenin, Affiliation to the British Labour Party, vol., 31). Elsewhere Lenin said that the revolutionary theory grows out of the sum total of the revolutionary experiences and revolutionary thinking of all countries in the World and that is why the principle of strategy and tactics have to be worked out collectively. (C.W. vol., 21, p 354 emphasis in original) Lenin also said that the Communist International must work out its tactics internationally. (C.W. vol. 31, p. 60). The position, the CPC has taken is clearly proletarian internationalism in words and bourgeois nationalism in deeds. Comrade readers, this is a most vital distinction and you must judge according to the principles at stake.]
The editorial continues: Marxism-Leninism has always combined proletarian internationalism with patriotism of EACH PEOPLE.
[Observe how cunningly the principled internationalism of the class conscious proletariat - the Communities and the patriotism of the people have been confused. The old type of relations have existed for many centuries in those countries which have become socialist and between which in the old exploiting society there were quarrels, clashes and wars. These left bitter memories. The people of such countries may counterpoise the interests of their "own" socialist country with the interests of a 'foreign' socialist country--which is Patriotism of the people. (As the editorial deals with the relation among the socialist countries and Communist Parties--'Patriotism' cannot here mean the defence of the fatherland in general. A false sense of patriotism may dominate over them as a hangover of the past. (We have already seen in earlier chapter how Lenin took into account this sentiment of the Ukrainians, Latvians, Lithuanians and Byelorussians, but he distinguished this sentiments of the people and the consciousness of the Communists of these countries and treated the two in different manner.) But the communists should have no such false sense. Yet the editorial confuses the people and the communists most deliberately and urges to take one attitude to both!
Secondly, who 'combines' (if the word is at all allowed) this patriotism of the people with proletarian internationalism? Undoubtedly the Communist Party combines it. But is it by giving up something of proletarian internationalism and accepting something of patriotism? If patriotism comes in sharp and fundamental conflict with the proletarian internationalism what should be done then? Lenin said, as we have seen, that the petty-bourgeois nationalism preserves national self-interest intact There is not a word about it, the editorial is only in favour of combining' patriotism with proletarian internationalism which cannot but give rise to national exclusiveness . The Communists present the principle of proletarian internationalism to the people in such a manner so that it may not wound the patriotic and national sentiment of the people. It is the policy of implementing the principle, it is never a combining]
The editorial goes on: The Communist Parties of all countries rear their members and people in the spirit of internationalism, because genuine national interest of all peoples of all countries demand friendly co-operation among nations
[Please mark how diplomatically the above sentence has been constructed! We would request the readers to go through the quotation of Lenin at the top of this chapter. Lenin said of two world outlooks so far nationalism and proletarian internationalism were concerned. From what outlook the above sentence is approached? Of course, the national interest has been qualified with an abstract word 'genuine'. Who and which world outlook will decide and determine this high sounding 'genuine'? In defining revisionism we have already said Insert one incorrect word between two correct words, insert one wrong idea between two correct ideas -- that is the technique of revisionism of all brands". Just see, Co-operation among nations is here equated with proletarian internationalism. In this epoch of imperialism no nation can afford to remain aloof without co-operation with other nations and as such the bourgeoisie and imperialists also advocate and practise co-operation among nations in the national interest. But where is the class content in the genuine national interest?]
The editorial proceeds on: They understand that they will have genuine confidence and devotion of the broad masses of the people and will effectively educate the masses in a spirit of internationalism and harmonise national sentiments and interests of these countries ONLY WHEN THEY REPRESENT THE NATIONAL INTERESTS AND SENTIMENTS.
[Attention please readers! Communists are asked to "represent national interests and sentiments" and "harmonise" with proletarian internationalism to win the confidence and devotion of the broad masses of the people! Undoubtedly, a proletarian internationalist Party must have a national policy of its own for each country which will take into account of the national peculiarities and sentiments and degree of consciousness of the people of the country concerned but that is a policy, not principle for properly implementing and realising the internationalist principle. The national contingent of the international Communist Party can only arrive at a correct policy when national policy is viewed and discussed from internationalist position, in international context. In absence of an international organization how can an exclusively national party 'combine' and harmonise national interests with international interests of the world proletariat? This is nothing but giving free reign to bourgeois nationalist deviation and national insularity.]
In the next paragraph the editorial says: With the purpose of strengthening the international solidarity of the socialist countries, the Communist Parties of these countries must mutually respect national interests and national feelings. This is particularly important in THE RELATIONS BETWEEN THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF A BIGGER COUNTRY AND A COMMUNIST PARTY OF A SMALLER COUNTRY.
[Comrade readers, rub your eyes and read that again. Communist Parties of socialist countries, bigger and smaller, instead of collectively determining the national policy for each socialist country according to the national peculiarities of the country concerned on the basis of the interests of the world proletariat and socialism as a whole, must "mutually respect national interests and national feelings" and this is called proletarian internationalism! This time, it is not the people -- but the Communist Parties. They must downgrade themselves from the position and standard of consciousness of proletarian internationalism to the position and standard of consciousness of the people. Not only that, Communists of bigger countries have been differentiated from those of smaller countries! Communists of smaller socialist countries are supposed to harbour attitudes and sentiments like those of the people of smaller countries towards the bigger socialist countries and communists of bigger countries are supposed to harbour attitudes and feelings like those of the ruling classes of the bigger countries towards the people and communists of smaller countries! Where is the class position and class consciousness? Are we to differentiate, then, between the communists of oppressed and oppressor countries? Preposterous.]
The next paragraph of the editorial continues: "To preclude resentment on the part of the smaller country, the party of the bigger country must constantly devote its attention to SETTING UP EQUAL RELATIONS. Lenin was right when he emphasized that it is ...the duty of the class conscious proletariat to treat with particular caution and attention the survivals of national sentiments among countries and nationalities which have been longest oppressed (V.I. Lenin, Selected Works, Vol. II, Part II, Moscow, 1952 pp, 469-70).
[Here the editorial quoted Lenin in support of its stand. The emphasis on class conscious proletariat and "countries and nationalities" are ours. Firstly, Lenin did not boost up "national interest and national feelings" as the CPC likes to think. On the contrary, he spoke of survivals of these sentiments lingering among the people of socialist countries of erstwhile oppressed nations and nationalities. Secondly, Lenin did not here make distinction between the Communists of erstwhile oppressed and oppressor countries. On the contrary, he cautioned the CLASS CONSCIOUS PROLETARIAT, making a clear distinction between the people and the Communists. Lenin cautioned the class conscious proletariat of Great Russian origin to take into account the feelings of the countries and nationalities, which had been the colonies of Tsarist Russia. Naturally, the countries and nationalities who had suffered the longest oppression by the Great Russian bourgeoisie and the autocracy harboured resentment against the Great Russians in general. Yet Lenin, at no point, confused the class conscious proletariat of Great Russian origin and the Great Russian oppressors, when he discussed the nationality problem facing the Communists. He dealt the problem from the class stand point, not from the nationalist standpoint like that of the CPC.
At another point of time, in his speech to the students of Sverdlov University in 1918 Lenin said, "The Poles got help from Britain, France and America who all tried to arouse Poland's ancient hatred towards her Great Russian oppressors, tried to transfer the Polish Workers' hatred of the landowners and Tsars a hundred times deserved, to the Russian workers and peasants, and tried to make Polish workers think that the Bolsheviks like the Russian chauvinists dream of conquering Poland. Is not the Communist Party of China, in distinguishing between the communists of bigger and smaller countries trying to foster the idea that the communists of bigger countries are chauvinists who dream of annexing the smaller countries? Should we, the communist of India look askance at the communists of imperialist Britain and America? Should the communists of Kashmir, Nagaland and Mizoram look askance at us? Should communists of the Hindu origin look suspiciously at communists of Muslim origin and vice-versa because both Hindu and Muslim communalists had organised pogrom against each other? Should relations 21among communists of the world be determined on the basis of such differentiation? Just ponder, comrades, where the CPC is bent on dragging you, to proletarian internationalism and unity and union of world communists or to unadulterated narrow bourgeois nationalism?] The editorial continues in the next paragraph: "As has been already stated, Stalin displayed a certain tendency toward dominant nation chauvinism in the relations of fraternal countries. The essence of this tendency lies in IGNORING THE INDEPENDENT AND EQUAL STATUS OF the Communist Parties AND SOCIALIST COUNTRIES IN THE INTERNATIONAL UNION....
[This is the crux of the whole problem of proletarian internationalism and bourgeois nationalism. Here also the CPC does not differentiate the socialist state and socialist country on the one hand and the Communist Party on the other which Lenin so distinctly differentiated. A communist party is the party of the conscious proletarian internationalists, while a socialist country and state and its citizens are not. The basis of relations between two socialist states, especially in initial period, is one thing and the relations among the communist parties are completely another thing. Throughout the whole editorial the CPC has muddled quite deliberately the relations between the party and between the states.]
Is not the approach, the stand of the CPC fundamentally the same as that of the Tito-clique of Yugoslavia? Is not the approach, the stand of the CPC fundamentally the same as that of Khrushchev & Co. who compromised with the Hungarian revisionist Janos Kadar and Polish revisionist Gomulka, accepting their theory and stand of equality, independence and sovereignty of each national Communist Parties, thus burying proletarian internationalism?
In 1960, at the 81 Communist Party get together, where the Tito-clique was denounced as traitor to Marxism-Leninism, the essence of Titoism was accepted in relation to the relation among the Communist Parties. The statement of the 81 party said:
All the Marxist-Leninist parties are independent and have equal rights; they shape their policies according to the specific conditions of their respective countries and in keeping with Marxist-Leninist principles and support each other...EVERY PARTY IS RESPONSIBLE TO THE WORKING CLASS, TO THE WORKING PEOPLE of its own country, to the international working class and communist movement as a whole. It means the Communist Party is first responsible to the working class and working people of its own country and then to the international working class! This is bourgeois nationalism pure and simple.
Though the CPC repudiated in 1962-63 many of the stands of 81 Party statement, it did not repudiate the stands of bourgeois nationalism in respect of Party to Party relations and socialist construction. In the event any further proof of the charge is required we will quote further instances of the CPC's double dealing, this time from its Proposals concerning the general line of the International Communist movement, the document basing on which the CPC tried to consolidate its own revisionism internationally against Khrushchevite revisionism.
The General line says:
21, relations between socialist countries are international relation of new type. Relations between socialist countries whether large or small, whether more developed or less developed economically , must be based on complete equality, respect for territorial integrity, sovereignty and independence and non-interference in each other’s internal affairs and must also be based on the principles of mutual support and mutual assistance in accordance with proletarian internationalism.
[The first part i.e. relation based on equality, respect for territorial integrity, sovereignty and independence and non-interference in each other’s internal affairs is also the declared principles of Pancha Sheela or five principles of co-existence with different social systems, that is the principles of relation between a socialist and a capitalist state. Basing on these five principles of mutual support and mutual assistance in accordance with proletarian internationalism should be observed in respect of socialist countries. Who will determine the proletarian internationalism in accordance with which principles of mutual support and mutual assistance will be worked out? That remains undefined, abstract.]
"EVERY SOCIALIST COUNTRY MUST RELY MAINLY ON ITSELF FOR ITS CONSTRUCTION.
In accordance with its own concrete conditions every socialist country must rely first of all on the diligent labour and talents of its own people, utilise all its available resources fully and in a planned way, and bring all its potential into play in socialist construction. Only thus can it build socialism effectively and develop its economy speedily.
This is the only way for each socialist country to strengthen the might of entire socialist camp and enhance the capacity to assist the revolutionary cause of the international proletariat. THEREFORE, TO OBSERVE THE PRINCIPLES OF MAINLY RELYING on oneself IN CONSTRUCTION is to apply proletarian internationalism concretely.
[It is the complete repudiation of what Lenin said in his Colonial Theses and complete acceptance of what the Tito-clique said against the Cominform. It is the building of socialism in one country in the period of socialism in several countries. It means that the socialist countries will reach the goal of world socialism through the road of socialism in one country singly, separately, relying on its own resources which is in essence bourgeois nationalism. Not for nothing the CPC in its greetings to the Eighth Congress of the LCY said After victory in revolution both persevered [ going against Marxism-Leninism] in the policy of building socialism independently."]
From 1955 onwards up to 1963 the C.P.S.U. headed by Khrushchev and the CPC headed by Mao strengthened and consolidated their respective nationalism and at a certain stage of its development, they naturally came in conflict as two bourgeois nationalist interests and courses cannot live together. So both of them began to "struggle" against the other, one in the name of fighting Khrushchevite revisionism and the other in the name of fighting left sectarianism. In fact both of them were fighting for one kind of revisionism against another kind of revisionism and consolidating their respective revisionism which had no relations with Marxism-Leninism.
.jpg)
