July 29, 2021

Pontificating on Cuba with learned by rote theories - – On the concrete conditions and situation of Cuba

The practical applicability of the fundamental theories and the way in which they are applied depend on the specific concrete conditions and situations. It is within the tasks of the Socialist Struggle to create these "applicability" conditions and situations. Just as the practical application of the theory of “the necessity to seize the political power” is not the same in every country, in every condition, in every situation, and its process will also differ, the form and process of applying the theories to practice will also differ AFTER the political power is seized.

The steps to be taken in the direction of a socialist economy after seizing the political power in a country that has established its industry and mechanized its agriculture, and the steps to be taken after seizing the political power in a country whose industry has never been developed and whose agriculture has not yet been mechanized will differ from each other in terms and conditions both in domestic and foreign relations. In some countries, in order to meet basic needs, it will be necessary to trade with capitalist countries by making concessions when necessary, others will be self-sufficient and will not have to make concessions in trade relations. Likewise, there will be differences in  the conditions and situations of applying theories to practice for a country that is under embargo and other not , and or, a country to which a blockade is imposed - that is, the embargo is militarily and widely enforced by sanctions from every country and company - will be different.

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July 25, 2021

Conclusion - Imperialist provocations in Cuba and out of its time and place ML statements and commentaries

A return to the correct Leninist course demands deeds, not words; Support of anti-imperialist struggles in general, and unconditional support of Cuban struggle against imperialists.

QUESTION OF SUPPORT

Every decision and stand of a ML derives from and has in mind the interests of working class and of its struggle. It is not to be derived from the learned by rote and sloganized theories but application of Marxist Leninists theories to the concrete conditions and situations with the final consequence of benefiting the working class  and its struggle. When Lenin stated that “The proletariat can and must support the militant bourgeoisie when the latter wages a really revolutionary struggle against feudalism. But it is not for the proletariat to support the bourgeoisie when the latter is becoming quiescent” (35) he had the interests of (in most cases-non or few existing) working class and its struggle in mind. Shocking to so many who can not grasp Marxism Leninism and its dialectic, and puzzled with it, Lenin, in reality tell more in one paragraph that requires a book to explain:

“One cannot be a Marxist without feeling the deepest respect for the great bourgeois revolutionaries who had an historic right to speak for their respective bourgeois “fatherlands”, and, in the struggle against feudalism, led tens of millions of people in the new nations towards a civilised life.” (36)

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July 24, 2021

Part III - Imperialist provocations in Cuba and out of its time and place ML statements and commentaries

Agents of Imperialism at work in Cuba
Previous page

On the accusations of Cuba.

III

Let’s start analysing the “critiques” of Cuba with Lenin’s assessment;

“Following its seizure of political power, the principal and fundamental interest of the proletariat lies in securing an enormous increase in the productive forces of society and in the output of manufactured goods. This task, which is clearly formulated in the Programme of the Russian Communist Party, is particularly urgent in our country today owing to post-war ruin, famine, and dislocation. Hence, the speediest and most enduring success in restoring large-scale industry is a condition without which no success can be achieved in the general cause of emancipating labour from the yoke of capital and securing the victory of socialism. (23)

I should mention the fact that other than all the emptiness of  “critiques”  goes back to this assessment of Lenin, it is important to read between the lines Lenin’s use of words “securing the victory of socialism” at a time when there was no increase in the productive forces, but the acquired political power .

In order to prevent the most likely demagogies and accusations of “eclecticism”, the quotes from Lenin will be longer, and must be read.

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July 23, 2021

Part II - Imperialist provocations in Cuba and out of its time and place ML statements and commentaries

Previous (updated) page

II

Socialist revolution is not a “one leap”, “one strike “ action, but has its dialectically connected stages passing from one to other in durations that cannot be foreseen but varies contingent on the existing conditions of a given country -not only internal but external conditions and situations.

As far as the fundamental stages of building Socialism is concerned Lenin’s assessment  was;

““"history has proven that in some very important problems of the proletarian revolution, all countries will inevitably have to do what Russia has done"”. (12) Lenin, The Principal Stages in the History of Bolshevism

While the fundamental “stages” may be similar, as far as the means and methods used is concerned, there is NOT one way or form of acquiring political power that fits all the countries and all the conditions. Political power coinciding with the interests those of majority, that is to say of laboring masses may be acquired through an uprising directed by a provisional revolutionary government,  or through proletarian revolution or through an anti-fascist or anti-imperialist  war.  Giving the example of Bulgaria,  Stalin states;

"The proletariat is known two forms of dictatorship. As the first of Marx and Engels in Paris he saw the Commune and argued, democratic Republic with a majority of the proletariat, the best form of proletarian dictatorship ... Lenin had the Soviet form suitable to our conditions formulated. Here, it was proved to be the easiest way to seize power in your country, where the power of the working class was seized, not from the insurrection, but from outside (Soviet Army), you can go back to the Marx and Engels model without the Soviet form. People's Democracy will play the role of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat.

(In Bulgaria) The capitalists and the Landlords have fought against us for four years, and they have surrendered without war and fled. “ (13)

Lets support the fact that the capturing the political power is the first and foremost step toward socialism with some additional quotes from Lenin;

“A necessary condition for this social revolution is the dictatorship of the proletariat, i.e., the conquest by the proletariat of such political power as will enable it to suppress all resistance on-the part of the exploiters .” (14)  

“History teaches us that no oppressed class ever did, or could, achieve power without going through a period of dictatorship, i.e., the conquest of political power and forceable suppression of the resistance always offered by the exploiters—the resistance that is most desperate, most furious, and that stops at nothing.” (15)

“To effect this social revolution the proletariat must win political power, which will make it master of the situation   and enable it to remove all obstacles along the road to its great goal. In this sense the dictatorship of the proletariat is an essential political condition of the social revolution.” (16)

“The point is that one and the same class should have political power both centrally and locally, that democracy should be quite consistently applied in both cases to an absolutely equal degree, a degree sufficient to ensure the complete supremacy of, let us say, the majority of the population.” (17)

It is clear that for the construction of socialism the ways and forms of acquiring the political power is not decisive but acquiring it, is a precondition, for socialism cannot be established without a class struggle for the political power and a state. The conquest of political power in order to carry out the economic and political measures - which are the sum and substance of the socialist revolution- is the fundamental task, and that by itself  determines the “quality” of a state in a given country in the sense of political structure. Second determining factors for her quality  are (definitely its direction, but regardless of its degree of economic development) related to the primary steps taken for the organization of socialist society such as socialization of production, expropriation of large scale industry and private property etc., meaning that making the means of production the property of society.

Following the acquiring of political power the speed and degree of economic and social developments will inevitably vary from country to country based on their existing conditions and how determined the leadership and the people for the direction they initiated. Depending on the existing condition, internal and external struggle, some will be able to continue the building of socialism without taking any backward step, others will have ups and downs. As long as the direction does not change, back steps taken forced upon by the conditions does not change the essence of political power and political system.

Lenin, in his various writings states that the “ conquest of political power does not put a stop to its class struggle against the bourgeoisie; on the contrary, it renders that struggle most widespread, intense, and ruthless.”  (18)

In some countries the bourgeois flees and  deserts the country, in others remain to fight in various ways. In some countries they still will have the upper hand in the economy and social life due to their educational background, skills, knowledge, and expertise, in others they may not.

Lenin explains this clearly and bluntly;

“After the first socialist revolution of the proletariat, and the overthrow of the bourgeoisie in some country, the proletariat of that country remains for a long time weaker than the bourgeoisie, simply because of the latter’s extensive international links, and also because of the spontaneous and continuous restoration and regeneration of capitalism and the bourgeoisie by the small commodity producers of the country which has overthrown the bourgeoisie. The more powerful enemy can be vanquished only by exerting the utmost effort, and by the most thorough, careful, attentive, skillful, and obligatory use of any, even the smallest, rift between the enemies... Those who do not understand this reveal a failure to understand even the smallest grain of Marxism, of modern scientific socialism in general. Those who have not proved in practice, over a fairly considerable period of time and in fairly varied political situations, their ability to apply this truth in practice have not yet learned to help the revolutionary class in its struggle to emancipate all toiling humanity from the exploiters. And this applies equally to the period before and after the proletariat has won political power. (19)

Giving the example of Soviet Revolution, Lenin reiterates these difficulties;

“two exceedingly difficult problems still remained, the solution of which could not possibly be the triumphal march we experienced in the first months of our revolution—we did not doubt, we could not doubt, that the socialist revolution would be later confronted with enormously difficult tasks.” (20)

Lenin, on his writing “Letters From Afar” outlined the tasks after capturing the political power in Russia;

“ the immediate tasks of the revolutionary proletariat in Russia were formulated as follows:

(1) to find the surest road to the next stage of the revolution, or to the second revolution, which (2) must transfer political power from the government of the landlords and capitalists to a government of the workers and poorest peasants.

(3) This latter government must be organised on the model of the Soviets of Workers’ and Peasants’ Deputies, namely,

(4) it must smash, completely eliminate, the old state machine, the army, the police force, and bureaucracy (officialdom), that is common to all bourgeois states, and substitute for this machine (5) not only a mass organisation, but a universal organisation of the entire armed people.

(6) Only such a government, of “such” a class composition (“revolutionary-democratic dictatorship of the proletariat and peasantry”) and such organs or government (“proletarian militia”) will be capable of successfully carrying out the extremely difficult and absolutely urgent chief task of the moment, namely: to achieve peace, not an imperialist peace….

These steps are dictated, with absolute inevitability, by the conditions created by the war, which in many respects will become still more acute in the post-war period. In their entirety and in their development these steps will mark the transition to socialism, which cannot be achieved in Russia directly, at one stroke, without transitional measures, but is quite achievable and urgently necessary as a result of such transitional measures.  In this connection, the task of immediately organising special Soviets of Workers’ Deputies in the rural districts, i.e., Soviets of agricultural wage-workers separate from the Soviets of the other peasant deputies, comes to the fore front with extreme urgency. “ (21)  

Since political power is in the hands of the working-class, since this political power owns all the means of production... the alliance of this proletariat with the many millions of small and very small peasants, the assured proletarian leadership of the peasantry, etc.” says Lenin “ is this not all that is necessary to build a complete socialist society. It is still not the building of socialist society, but it is all that is necessary and sufficient for it.

But see how things have changed now that the political power is in the hands of the working-class now that the political power of the exploiters is overthrown and all the means of production are owned by the working-class.

Now we are entitled to say that for us the mere growth of cooperation  is identical with the growth of socialism, and at the same time we have to admit that there has been a radical modification in our whole outlook on socialism. The radical modification is this; formerly we placed, and had to place, the main emphasis on the political struggle, on revolution, on winning political power, etc. Now the emphasis is changing and shifting to peaceful, organizational, “cultural” work. “ (22)  

Looking at Cuban history, under the difficult conditions of imperialist blockade, provocation, assassination and invasion attempts, Cuba has initiated and carried out all within her capabilities. Everything in large scale in Cuba has been taken out of the hands of Bourgeoisie and landlords. While people in almost al countries spend half of their lives working to cover their rent or mortgage, Cuba made it free for her citizens. While students in the most countries  spend their lives to pay back the student loans (that is if they can afford it or  even get loan), in Cuba education is free. While in most countries health care is a privilege, ( especially in the so called “champion of democracy- USA or highly taxed in others), where one has to be rich in order to get sick, Cuba has free health care. There are numerous social benefits to mention here from childcare to women issues.

III

Let’s start analysing the “critiques” of Cuba with Lenin’s assessment;

Following its seizure of political power, the principal and fundamental interest of the proletariat lies in securing an enormous increase in the productive forces of society and in the output of manufactured goods. This task, which is clearly formulated in the Programme of the Russian Communist Party, is particularly urgent in our country today owing to post-war ruin, famine, and dislocation. Hence, the speediest and most enduring success in restoring large-scale industry is a condition without which no success can be achieved in the general cause of emancipating labour from the yoke of capital and securing the victory of socialism. (23)

I should mention the fact that other than all the frivolous “critiques”  goes back to this assessment of Lenin, it is important to read between the lines that Lenin’s use of words “securing the victory of socialism” at a time when there was no increase in the productive forces, but the acquired political power only.

In order to prevent the most likely demagogies and accusations of “eclecticism”, the quotes from Lenin will be longer, and must be read. It is important because, the critiques of Cuba - in deed the accusations- made just to appear "balanced", "impartial" are not so much different than, but typical of the Trotskyite accusations of Soviets and Stalin (actually of Lenin through Stalin).

Next

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July 22, 2021

Imperialist provocations in Cuba and out of its time and place ML statements and commentaries

Cuba, pompous idle assessments of “extreme left” and their ugly caricature of Marxism Leninism.

The term “extreme left” is used for the historical practice of “left leniency”, on one side deriving from their fundamental ideology of  Anarchists and the other deriving from the practice of concealing their reactionary face- that of  Trotskyites. Our subject here is not the assessments and assertions  of concealed-reaction and/or of those who are seriously influenced by them, but those unintentional, unconscious, influence of Trotskyism in "deed".  

The direct or indirect ideological based attacks on Cuba, on Cuban Revolutionary government have one conclusive mindset and one latent affect to the mass readers- either consciously or unconsciously- in common; “socialism cannot be built in one country.” We do know the source of consciously yet skillfully presented accusations hidden behind the left mask with pompous phrase mongering. Aside from them not only the average Marxists Leninists sympathizers but ML parties and organizations are falling into this tactical trap that has being tried and improved by the bourgeoisie and their lackeys with century old experience in the field. That is why it is imperative to study the subjects related to the accusations directed to Cuba in particular and what Socialism is in general in order to call one as such.

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July 21, 2021

Lenin - Report On Subbotniks

Speech Delivered To A Moscow City Conference Of The R.C.P. (B.)
December 20, 1919

( Subbatnik is a day of unpaid labor, which was voluntary with the idea of uniting the revolutionary minded masses and promoting the ideas of socialism through labor.. E.A)

Comrades, the organisers of the conference inform me that you have arranged for a report on subbotniks and divided it into two parts so that it would be possible to discuss the main thing in this field in detail; first, the organisation of subbotniks in Moscow and results achieved, and secondly, practical conclusions for their further organisation. I should like to confine myself to general propositions, to the ideas born of the organisation of subbotniks as a new phenomenon in our Party and governmental development. I shall, therefore, dwell only briefly on the practical aspect.

When the first communist subbotniks had just been organised it was difficult to judge to what extent such a phenomenon deserved attention and whether anything big would come of it. I remember that when the first news of them began to appear in the Party press, the appraisals of comrades close to trade union organisational affairs and the Commissariat of Labour were at first extremely restrained, if riot pessimistic. They did not think there were any grounds for regarding them as important. Since then subbotniks have become so widespread that their importance to our development cannot be disputed by anyone.
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July 14, 2021

Lenin Conversation

March-April 1913

Pravda No. 123, May 5, 1932

First Bystander. I am following, as closely as I can, the struggle among the workers over “the six and the seven”.[1] I try to follow both newspapers. I compare, as far as possible, the repercussions in the bourgeois and Black-Hundred newspapers.... And do you know what I think? It seems to me that the struggle is taking grave forms, that it is degenerating into squabbles and bickerings, and that the result will, in any case, be tremendous demoralisation.

Second Bystander. I don’t understand you. Whoever heard of a struggle anywhere that did not become grave if it was over something really serious? It is because the struggle is over a serious problem that it cannot stop at “a slight quarrel”. Those who are used to denying, and who continue to deny, the principles of party organisation will not surrender without the most desperate resistance. Desperate resistance always and everywhere engenders “grave forms of struggle”, engenders attempts to shift the dispute from the sphere of principles to that of squabbles. What if it does? Because of that do you want us to reject the struggle for the fundamental principles of party organisation?

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