Voice of Revolution - Issue No: 4 (June 95)
May Day, the day of international
unity, solidarity and struggle of the working class, was
enthusiastically and militantly celebrated in Turkey. 150
thousand workers, labourers and young people across the country
participated in the demonstrations organised by various workers'
trade unions, public employees' organisations and democratic
platforms. In Istanbul alone 70 thousand people were present,
while in Ankara and Izmir 40 thousand demonstrated. Also, an
international delegation of trade unionists from Germany, Britain
and Greece joined the May Day marches in the big cities of Turkey
under the banner "International Solidarity to the Struggle
for Jobs, Bread and Freedom".
In Turkey, May Day is not recognised officially as a workers'
festival and its celebration is still banned. Moreover, as it is
a working day, leaving factories and work places to join May Day
demonstrations means risking prosecution and dismissal. The
government can not counternance the celebration of May Day as a
workers' festival despite its claims of democratisation and the
fact that it has signed many international agreements including
that of the ILO.
Thus, every May Day army and police forces are become alarmed and
use fierce terror, especially in the main industrial towns. On
this day counter-revolution shows in the most explicit way how it
is the enemy of the workers. Every pre-May Day period, attacks on
trade unionists and advanced workers intensify. They are taken
into detention. Demagogic propaganda is wide spread. May Days in
Turkey are the days when capital and the working class test their
strength, when revolution and counter-revolution compete and draw
lessons for the struggle in the future.
What were the conditions when May Day 1995 dawned?
First of all, the bourgeoisie is engulfed in the most destructive
and heaviest crisis in its history. They are trying to shift the
burden of this crisis onto the shoulders of the workers and
labourers through repeatedly imposed "stabilisation
packages". Unemployment has reached its highest level. In
the last year only, about one million workers have been made
redundant. The inflation rate, according to official figures, is
as high as 150%. The workers' and labouring masses' living
standards have dropped by half. The directives of the IMF have
started to be implemented under an intense attack of
privatisation.
The bourgeoisie is intensifying political reaction and
terror in order to carry through these attacks in the
economic sphere and to eradicate social rights. While the
genocidal war continues in Kurdistan at a rapid pace, the
violence in the west of the country against progressive trade
unionists, intellectuals and labouring people is being stepped
up. The bourgeoisie also tested its strength in a series of
provocations. An attempt at a provocation took place in March in
the Gazi district of Istanbul. However the labourers responded to
it strongly and the plans of the government were turned upside
down. These incidents have indicated that the dictatorship is not
just satisfied with intimidation of the workers and labourers. It
is also getting ready for the period when it will have a final
showdown with the popular movement.
On the other hand, however, the workers and labourers have proved
through their struggles and acts of resistance that they will not
easily retreat. In November, over 100 thousand workers marched on
the parliament despite the efforts of trade union bosses to stop
them. On 20 December, one million public employees went on a
one-day warning strike which also received wide working class
support. The workers and public employees of
PTT organised a united cross section action.
Following the provocation in Gazi district general anti-state
resistance broke out and spread to many towns. All these events
have been indicative of the depth of anger of the workers and
labourers and have heralded strong explosions in the forthcoming
period.
To sum up, May Day was celebrated in conditions where
Turkey has been going rapidly towards a period of harsh class
struggles. It has also illustrated the working class' and
labouring people's anger and determination to struggle despite
all the efforts of the government and trade union bureaucrats to
stop them. Tens of thousands of workers marched in Istanbul and
other towns chanting slogans like "Jobs - Bread -
freedom" and "Death to fascism, freedom to the
people". Hundreds of thousands of workers maintained the
tradition of celebrating May Day, even if only through short work
stoppages or by reading leaflets in their factories.
THE CUSTOMS UNION AND TURKEY
On 6 March 1995, the agreement ratifying Turkey's forthcoming
entrance in the European customs union on 1 January 1996 was
signed. This is a conditional agreement. However, no great
hindrances are expected in this process. The customs union will
be based on mutual compromise and concession. Thus, the rhetoric
of democracy and national sovereignty can do nothing faced with
the interests of the bourgeoisie.
In Turkey, with the signing of this agreement, the campaign
promoting the benefits of customs union has gained momentum
despite some opposition. It is argued that competition will drive
down the price of all goods. Foreign capital and high technology
will flow into Turkey. The country will take giant steps towards
industrialisation. It will become a part of the civilised world.
It will have European standards of democracy and freedom in the
political field and make important gains in the economic arena.
Is this the reality?
First of all, we must highlight the fact that Turkey will become
a part of the customs union without joining the European Union.
This is a different process in comparison to the other members in
the EU. This means that Turkey cannot benefit from some of the
'rights' of the member countries. It will be excluded from the
political-administrative decision making process of the EU. It
will be deprived of the right of free flow of Turkish labour
around the EU that the bourgeoisie in Ankara desperately needs.
Nor can it benefit from access to European funds. The
collaborationist monopolist capitalist class and political
representatives of Turkey are not in a position to fight being
left out of the political decision making process of the EU.
The status given to Turkey is nothing more than a colony. It will
open its market to European capital. Despite protectionist
measures, the industry of Turkey still has difficulties in
standing on its feet. Therefore, when these measures are lifted
it will, obviously, sink into the quick sand. This is because
Turkish industry is not in a position to compete with European
countries. Thus, it will submerge in the flood of European
industrial goods. It will be an annexed colony.
As Turkey is not a full member of the EU it will not benefit from
the protectionist measures thrown up by EU members against
outside countries. As a result, it will not even be able to
compete in sectors like agriculture, textiles, etc. where it is
relatively dynamic. However, whatever the scenario it is not the
monopolist Turkish bourgeoisie or big land owners who will lose
out. They can use this situation in a beneficial way by diverting
their capital into speculation.
Obviously, the losers will be the workers and labourers. The
collapse of weak industry will lead to the growth of
unemployment. The total destruction of agriculture will prevent
millions of peasants from producing. The resources of the country
will be plundered. This reality does not change even if Turkey
joins the EU as an 'equal' partner. This would still mean the
wholesale sell off of the resources and riches to European
imperialists.
What do bourgeois parties say about this?
Obviously, in terms of both the European and the Turkish
bourgeoisie, customs union is tied to commercial and economic
interests between the capitalists. However, the bourgeoisie has
made a great effort to present their interests, benefits and
losses as coinciding with those of the people. Therefore, they
tried to influence the discussions in this direction.
Despite their different styles, all bourgeois parties are of the
same opinion about customs union. This means that this union is
in the fundamental interest of the collaborationist monopolist
capital. The main orientation of monopolist capital is towards a
process of "partnership" with Europe and customs union.
However, this is not the only orientation. Opposition caused by
different interests illustrate themselves as discordant voices in
the chorus of bourgeois parties. This opposition manifests itself
indirectly in the following: Negotiations are being demanded to
win more concessions. Even the facade of democratisation is being
rejected. ILO standards are being rejected. The attacks on the
Kurds escalate. Finally, they are trying to delay the process of
integration into the customs union. This orientation is explained
by a number of factors. Namely, the aggressive, plundering
tradition of this state, its collaboration with the US and also
by the fact that the nature of the political-military bureaucracy
dominating Turkey has been conditioned by these first two
factors.
The weak points of this opposition to the customs union are the
feebleness of its national base and the fact that it comes out of
the bureaucracy and militarism. These social strata are quite
mercurial as they lack solid economic foundations of their own.
More opposition to the customs union and closer relations with
Europe is coming from the Islamists, both the moderate political
wings and fanatical groups. Although they use anti-Christian
religious rhetoric, what makes them an opposition is, in reality,
the interests of the classes they represent. From the
shopkeepers, moneylenders and traders to the middle bourgeoisie,
many strata are afraid of being destroyed by big European
monopolies.
The importance of Turkey to Europe: What is the aim of the customs union?
Advanced European countries are not looking for
a new backward partner with many problems which will share their
existing resources. Nor have they ever sought a country they can
help develop. International capital, and its imperialist
interests has always been after countries it can exploit as much
as possible. This also holds true for the approach to Turkey.
Turkey presents a huge market to the Europeans with its
population of 65 million. It is also suitable for being used as a
massive pool of cheap labour. Undoubtedly, the EU takes into
consideration the fact that it can benefit from Turkey's giant
military potential in the region.
The essence of the customs union is the acceleration of the
process of international integration of the monopolist
capitalists in Europe and thus they will be in an advantageous
position to exploit other countries. In other words, the
mechanism of a single market,a single currency, a single
state enables single exploitation. Undoubtedly, this monopolist
approach becomes meaningful with the introduction of the customs
union.
Does the customs union bring democracy and
social rights?
Social democrats, petit-bourgeois reformists and liberals claim
that the relationship with Europe and the customs union will
contribute the democratisation of Turkey. They want to create
expectations that democracy and freedom can be imported from
Europe.
This approach gives a democratic role to the imperialist
bourgeoisie which cannot even stand the formal and deficient
democracy in their own country against which they are constantly
committing crimes. It is also designed to pacify the workers and
labourers in the struggle for democracy. This approach serves to
cover up the fact that democracy in European countries has been
reached through the struggle of millions of people at the expense
of their blood.
Naturally, conscious workers will utilise the values created by
the past and present struggle of their European class brothers.
However, they are also aware that democracy cannot be obtained
through "becoming European" via the customs union, etc.
but by changing the existing system and by putting an end to the
hegemony of monopolies and big land owners. Moreover, class
conscious workers are so much in favour of democracy that they
cannot be satisfied with the extent that it exists in Europe.
They need real democracy as a first step of overthrowing
capitalism.
In fact, the relationship between "democratisation" and
the customs union can be put the other way round. When Turkey
becomes an open market plunder and exploitation will intensify
and the rate of exploitation and unemployment will rise.
Obviously, this will lead to an increase in the anger and
reaction of the workers and labouring masses. Related to this,
the ruling classes will need more oppression and more fascist
terror to suppress them.
If we look at what is being experienced in Europe we can clearly
see how futile the claim that the customs union will affect
social conditions in Turkey in a positive way. How come European
ruling classes can make social contributions to Turkey when they
axe social funds in their own country and when they try to
privatise all social services including health and education?
Europe, at present, has abandoned the principle of the
"welfare state" which came into being as a result of
the prevailing conditions of post-World War II, when socialism
was a significant practical threat. Today, we have nothing more
than its remnants. Whether the workers and labourers lose or keep
their social rights depend on their own struggle.
The European Union is an instrument for European monopolist
capitalists to increase their profits and to have further
influence in the world. The capitalists dream of a free flow of
capital, commodity and labour, a decrease in control of
production, increased ease of investment in countries with cheap
labour, a decrease in tax, etc. Such a "heaven" will
obviously be created by the EU. All this means the
intensification of exploitation. The free flow of labour, on the
other hand, will be an element in the realisation of the profit
of capital rather than bringing freedom. The workers will
continue to work where they can find it, or exercise the
"freedom to die" where they cannot find a job.
What the international working class should do, whether in Europe
or in Turkey, is to fight against the imperialist alliance of
plunder and aggression, to overthrow capitalism in each country
and to work for proletarian revolution.
(This article is summarised from the 69th and
77th issues of Özgürlük Dünyas›, socialist theory and
politics journal published in Turkey.)
ANGER AND CONSCIOUSNESS
On 12 March 1995, a new massacre of the labourers was planned in
the Gaziosmanpa_a district of Istanbul. The attack was initially
launched by professional 'provocateurs' who have open links with
the state. Then it was followed by the official state forces.
Over 30 labourers, most of them young, have been killed. The
fascist bourgeois press reported the clashes between the security
forces of the dictatorship and the labouring people as an
Alevi-Sunni clash. They also repeated the state propaganda that
these events were backed by "foreign powers". The fact,
however, was that by manipulating these events the dictatorship
was trying to dissipate the accumulating anger of the labouring
masses, to divert it from possible social explosion. The
common-sense of the labouring masses rendered this fascist policy
futile. However, little more than this was achieved. No great
success was made in mobilising the dynamic of the class. The
following article is summarised from the 187th issue of Devrimin
Sesi, dated April 1995. Having taken the Gazi events as a
starting point, this article deals with the specific
characteristics of this period and the wider tasks and
responsibilities demanded. It aims to help the class-conscious
workers consider the problems facing them and to link them with
the process of the struggle as it develops.
As we have quite often emphasised in our party
documents and publications, our country, for some time, has been
passing through a social-revolutionary process. The struggle
between revolution and counter-revolution is developing towards a
definite settling of accounts. The collaborationist ruling
classes are continually consolidating their forces as a united
counter-revolutionary front. This front is characterised by the
following two elements: Firstly, an inevitable political
feebleness and the increasing loss of credibility and trust in
the eyes of the masses. Secondly, the open and increasingly
fearless methods of the fascist terror bodies. What characterises
the workers and labouring classes' front is the low level of its
consciousness and organisation. Related to this, there are
weaknesses in uniting their forces around a common leadership and
in preparing for revolutionary action. This is despite the fact
that every day new forces are joining the struggle.
Undoubtedly, the attacks of the collaborationist ruling classes,
in the most general terms, are designed to prevent the workers
and labouring classes' movement from becoming a united force.
They also aim to delay and distort the development of political
class consciousness as much as possible. Actually, the ruling
classes themselves are aware that the anger of the workers and
labouring classes is growing against fierce oppression and
exploitation. Through their own experience, they can discern more
clearly their friends from their enemies. Their aspiration for
freedom and democracy is developing and becoming more resolute.
The advance of the revolution also leads to the organisation of counter-revolution:
The 1989 Spring Actions heralded a new rise in
the workers' movement. In the same way, SS-style decrees and
increasing political murders warned of a new
counter-revolutionary offensive. The 1990 May Day demonstrations,
the Zonguldak resistance and the developments in the Kurdish
national movement led to the increase of counter- revolutionary
offensives. The 1992 elections and the coalition government that
resulted were based on a 'forced agreement' in the counter
revolutionary front. This paved the way for unbridled
fascist terror. Despite this, we have seen the 1994 May Day,
July, November and December actions and burgeoned political
actions of the workers' movement -especially in Istanbul. These
have been significant indicators of the accumulated explosive
anger in the workers' and labouring classes' front. The Gazi
provocation has come onto the agenda as a result of these
developments.
It is a general law of the struggle that each side of the
contending forces evaluates the weaknesses of the other and
positions its own forces accordingly. Thus, they can cover their
own weaknesses. Today, counter-revolution in Turkey pursues a
tactic designed to play on and exacerbate the current weak points
of the revolution. To this end, it is vigorously pursuing a wide
variety of methods and means.
* Counter-revolution is creating a false and ragged polarisation.
It is aiming to direct the anger of the masses at false targets
and to weaken the support for revolution. One of the concrete
examples of this is the confusion created by a fake secular -
anti secular polarisation. In this way, counter revolution opens
a space for itself by siding with one of these false poles. It
throws up mysterious targets such as IBDA-C and Hizbullah. These
are being used for its provocations and to attract the anger of
the masses.
* Fierce fascist terror, murders and massacres complement the
campaign of theorised fascist demagogy carried out by the entire
bourgeois press.
* Counter-revolution has been drawing its forces to areas where
it has concentrations. Namely, to the area of open terror. By
doing so, it wants to prevent revolution from preparing and
positioning itself according to the objective requirements and
interests of the struggle. Undoubtedly, when it achieves this, it
will have weakened the ability of the struggle to attract new
forces to itself. It will also have weakened the ability of the
revolution to follow its plans and tactics.
Fascist murder provocations aim to distort the consciousness of
the workers and labouring classes, to delay their organisation
and to disperse and disorganise the workers' advanced forces.
These provocations are launched because of the contradiction
between the objective state of the workers and labouring classes,
the anger created by this condition and the low level of their
class consciousness. In other words, they are designed to have an
effect on the subjective elements of the revolution. They are
designed to prevent the revolution from getting the opportunity
to gather its forces, to educate, organise and mobilise them.
In this period, it becomes more and more clear that the official
and unofficial forces of the state, with its bourgeois parties,
press, National Intelligence Service, counter-guerrilla and
political police -whether they are called "dark forces"
or "mysterious forces within the state"- are the
elements of a common policy which serves the aims of the
ruling classes.
The revolutionary period requires more prescience, more political talent and a stronger will to succeed:
Both the collective experience of the workers'
movement and the events in our country illustrate the following:
There are periods when revolutionary and counter-revolutionary
forces move towards a certain settling of accounts, when
spontaneous explosive elements appear in various forms and when
the anger of the oppressed classes becomes more and more
volatile. These periods have a great determining significance in
terms of the day-to-day political responses of revolutionaries,
of their devotion to the set tactical lines and tasks,
controlling the daily course of the struggle and directing it.
The counter-revolution bases its policy on the weaknesses of
revolution. It must utilise every opportunity to attack the
revolution. In these circumstances, it is very important for each
slogan put forward and each practical attitude to be appropriate
with the time and place. It is also important to utilise and
strengthen every single position appropriately.
Revolution has to advance with a strong will. It must do this by
confronting all kinds of ups and downs and problems.
Without losing its level-headedness, without wasting the anger of
the masses, in each phase of the struggle it has to transform
this raw class energy into a material force directed by
revolutionary consciousness against the state. It also has to
improve and strengthen the forms of struggle and organisation
required by revolution and consolidate its positions.
In such periods, a revolutionary class party has concrete and
living possibilities of learning from the struggle itself. It
also tests itself and improves its abilities. One of the most
important conditions for being in advance of events is for
the leadership of the class to understand the significance of
them in a more profound way before the masses themselves.
Certainly, those who have this ability must be organised in a
form that allows them both to give leadership and to be
responsible to the masses.
The vanguard of the class has to learn how to put forward
concrete demands and targets for the struggle which serve the
tactical tasks and slogans of the party, instead of being
satisfied with the general calls of the organisation. This is
necessary to unite every single practical action of the workers
and labouring masses around common demands and a line of
struggle. The vanguard also has to learn how to handle each event
and development bearing in mind their links with the general
struggle aims of the class and with the tactical line serving
these aims. One of the fundamental elements of revolutionary
progress is the ability to enlighten and mobilise the broadest
sections of the class. Therefore the strengthening of this link
between particular events and the more general struggle is the
most important measure of our success.
Party spirit and principle mean an unshakeable belief in and
responsibility towards the class and the line of party under all
circumstances. What educates the broadest masses of the
proletariat is the attitude of the vanguard of the class which is
characterised by a revolutionary, class conscious, determined and
disciplined manner. To the extent that these characteristics are
concretely seen to be synonymous with our party, it will deserve
to be the real vanguard of the class.
However, spontaneity is nothingbut a cover for bourgeois
policies. This can take a rightist form as with Dev-Yol
(Revolutionary Path) which puts off actions which could help
politicise events, or a leftist one in the form of Dev-Sol
(Revolutionary Left) and others who take events themselves as the
sole objectives.
Our party must carry on its way with a revolutionary class consciousness and a responsible approach:
Provocation cannot be prevented by the
revolutionary class party. It is a weapon of counter-revolution.
This weapon is used often and in various forms. Specifically, it
appears in the periods when revolution is on the rise, when
broader masses have become disillusioned with the system and join
the struggle but when the revolution has not yet unified all its
forces and directed them towards revolutionary aims. Our task
here is to patiently overcome the low level of consciousness and
organisation which creates the opportunities for these
provocations. This also requires us to minimise the effect of
these provocations and to intensify our efforts to educate the
workers and labouring masses and thus unify around their demands.
We must educate them to develop a revolutionary class attitude
vis-a-vis provocations.
* We must strengthen our forces in a way that both represents and
guarantees a revolutionary step forward in the main centres of
struggle, in the most important factories and enterprises and in
the working class areas. In other words, we must consolidate the
political and organisational basis of the struggle.
* We must deal with each concrete development linking it with the
aim of unifying working class forces and strengthening
their concrete actions.
* We must support the organisation and consolidation of the open
political movement of the class and the education of the
political representatives of the class themselves.
* We must support the instruments which will serve the political
education of the broadest sections of the class on a daily basis.
* We must renew our forces in a way that enables them to shoulder
the requirements of the struggle under any circumstances. We must
also prepare our auxiliary forces.
Let bourgeois liberals pass messages of
"responsibility" to the ruling classes. Let bootlicking
petit bourgeois currents bow down. We know that the anger of the
Turkish and Kurdish workers and labouring classes is growing day
by day. Even in the most backward regions actions are being
directed at the state. This is not surprising. We should not
allow the anger of the oppressed masses, their hopes and
aspirations to be played with. Our task is to direct their anger
with a revolutionary class consciousness, to help develop their
capabilities in struggle and organisation and to direct
them towards state power.
We will not rely on spontaneous events. On the contrary, we will
struggle for the workers and labouring classes to unite around
revolutionary class demands and orientate towards revolutionary
democratic popular power and socialism. This is required by our
revolutionary class consciousness and responsibilities.
THE ISTANBUL WORKERS' ASSEMBLY
After a long period of preparation the Istanbul
Workers' Assembly took place on 26 March 1995. It was organised
by the Istanbul Workers' Union Branches Platform which consists
of various union branches affiliated to big trades union
confederations.
Those who participated in this assembly were the presidents of
TÜMTIS (Transport Workers Union) and Hava-Is (Civil Aviation
Workers' Union) which are affiliated to Türk-Is, the general
secretary of Selüloz-Is (Cellulose Workers' Union), Istanbul
branch chairs of various unions affiliated to different
confederations, and advanced workers. Also, a delegation from
Germany consisting of Turkish and German trades unionists
participated in the assembly.
Among the themes discussed in the workshops were the problems of
trade unions, privatisation, the struggle for democracy, social
security, the directives of the IMF, customs union, the problems
of common struggle with public employees, etc. The reports on
these themes were presented to the assembly.
The assembly has passed resolutions on the organisational
structure of the 'platform', the continuation of regional
committees, the relationships with other workers' and labourers'
organisations and the tasks of the forthcoming period. Also, a
draft resolution entitled "Proposals for a Solution"
consisting of 19 articles was approved by the assembly. Some of
these proposals are as follows:
1. The organisation of a class-based trade union against the
existing collaborationist understanding of trade union;
2. Forming committees at workplaces and sector levels;
3. Waging a united struggle for revolutionary-democratic workers
to enter into trade union administrations;
4. A total lifting of bans on the freedom of speech, press,
organisation, meeting and demonstrating;
5. An end to dirty war. The trillions of TL which is wasted on
the war must be spent on health and education. The right of the
Kurdish people to self determination must be recognised;
6. The struggle of public employees for the right to organise
trade unions must be united with the struggle of the working
class;
7. An immediate release of political prisoners and freedom
fighters;
8. The halting of price rises on basic consumer goods;
9. The lift of austerity packages currently being implemented;
and
10. An immediate start to joint work by all platforms in order to
realise the broadest participation in May Day celebrations in
line with its true content.
This Workers' Assembly has a great significance and constitutes a
step forward both in terms of the resolutions it has passed and
in the concrete embodiment of a platform for the working class
movement. This platform has come about as a result of the workers
owning their own problems and the need to own, unite and advance
their trades union actions against the hegemony of union
bureaucrats who constitute the base for the bourgeoisie. This
hegemony aims to leave the working class without organisation at
trade union level. Therefore, this platform constitutes a force
for the working class masses.
Despite its shortcoming, the Istanbul Workers' Assembly has been
a significant step forward which has consolidated the positive
characteristics of the platform.
- TURKEY TAKES A FURTHER STEP TOWARDS MIDDLE-EAST QUICKSAND
In the second half of March, the collaborator
ruling classes of Turkey launched a large scale attack on
Iraq-Kurdistan. According to official statements, this attack
aimed "to eradicate the PKK in this region". Turkish
troops would withdraw "when this mission was
completed". However, as evidenced by these vague statements,
the authorities have been making contradictory announcements
about the duration of the presence of Turkish troops in this
region. The spokespersons and defenders of the dictatorship are
also calling for the "power vacuum" in the region to be
filled by Turkey. All Establishment parties, from the most
reactionary to the social democrats, have the same view on this
matter. However, close examination of the regime's justifications
reveals more. The fact is that the aim of this attack is not
limited to extermination of the PKK but directly linked to US
imperialism's policy in the Middle-East.
For example, it was claimed that the attack was "exclusively
in the form of a raid". However, the fact is that everybody
was aware of the military deployment on the frontier which began
many days before the attack. Thus, it was not a "surprise
raid", the most effective form of counter-insurgency
military action. More elaborate and drawn out operation enable
the guerrillas to re-position themselves and to disperse into the
field in small groups. In fact, two days before the attack, a PKK
radio broadcast in that area speculated about a possible
operation by the Turkish army and announced that the organisation
would withdraw into "inner regions". Even if some PKK
forces could not withdraw from this region, there is no reason to
suppose that these remaining forces would be "eliminated
totally". Similar operations have been taking place in
Turkey-Kurdistan for years. Their results are well-known. The PKK
continues to exist and fight. Also, the effectiveness of PKK does
not depend on its military capacity or skill but on the policies
it pursues. PKK's dilemmas are fundamentally a result of thesse
policies.
Undoubtedly, the reactionary forces of Turkey did not decide on
this latest attack themselves, as was claimed. However, it
certainly represented a great opportunity for the ruling classes
to launch this operation immediately after the explosion of
accumulated anger of the labouring people in the Gazi district of
Istanbul against fascist massacres. Reactionary forces attempted
to cover up internal problems through this military operation. No
matter how well it is concealed, the truth is that in reality US
imperialism planned and directed this occupation. US imperialism
obviously now gives a greater role to the Turkish ruling classes
in the Middle-East. Through this operation, the reactionary
forces of Turkey are getting ready to be one of the most
important "cat's paws" of US imperialism in this
region. This operation has also provided an answer to the debates
around the need for "a more mobile army with a high striking
power" and on "taking part in the imperialist
operations in the region". These questions have been on the
agenda for some time. In other words, the ruling classes are
practising for their expansion in the region. That is why this
operation seemed a sort of military "manoeuvre".
However, this situation has dragged Turkey further into the
quagmire of the Middle-East. The ruling classes of Turkey are
becoming more and more embroiled in the unresolvable problems of
this region. They also tie their country's integrity to the
unpredictable outcome of imperialist power relations and
contradictory interests.
The ruling classes of Turkey have two options. They can maintain
a presence in Iraq-Kurdistan or they can form a "buffer
zone". They want to annex this region. Undoubtedly, the
final decision on this matter will be taken by US imperialism.
The nature of this decision will obviously be determined by the
inter-imperialist balance of power, the position of regional
reactionary forces and finally by the response of the
peoples. However, neither the withdrawal of troops, nor the
forming of a "buffer zone" will imply a change in US
plans to use the reactionary forces of Turkey to further control
the Middle-East. Nor will it change the position of Turkey in
this region. Whatever the decision, the reactionary forces of
Turkey will sink further into the quick sands of the Middle-East.
There is another aspect to this question, even though it is not
the main motivation for this 'operation'. By playing the 'Turkish
card' US imperialism is in a sense warning the forces of Barzani
and Talabani to get into line, in particular behind Barzani. It
is declaring that it will not allow its imperialist interests to
be endangered. US imperialism seeks a certain
"stability" in its servants. It does not disregard
Barzani and Talabani. However, it is constantly evaluating the
huge gap between the scope of imperialist regional aims and the
present low level of these reactionaries. Allocating an 'older
brother' to control them is possible. However, this 'older
brother' himself has historical ambitions in this region, even
though for the time being he cannot openly declare these
ambitions or do anything about them.
The occupation underlines the fact that the policy of
"political solution" and of relying on
"imperialist diplomacy" favoured by PKK has fallen
flat. The mealy-mouthed reactions of imperialist forces to the
occupation express this fact. Almost all imperialist governments
have declared that Turkey had the right to fight
"terrorism" in this way. They simply expressed their
"anxiety" about the duration of Turkey's presence in
the region and manoeuvred to show off their 'democratic'
credentials.
Once again, it has been proved that Kurdish workers and labourers
gain nothing from the policy of compromising or negotiating with
imperialism. Their interests lie in the struggle against
imperialism and the dictatorship alongside Turkish workers and
labourers.
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