Voice of Revolution - Issue No: 5 (October 95)
THE SPREADING STRIKES AND THE INCREASING TASKS
The following article which is translated
from Devrimin Sesi evaluates the strikes of public employees. It
was written in late September and deals with the political front
of the workers' movement, especially the state and political
parties aspect of the struggle between the workers' movement and
the bourgeoisie. In order to understand the analysis better we
must add the following information:
In the last few months, the workers' movement has gained a new
momentum. Hundreds of thousands of public employees' actions for
the right to unionise with access to strike and collective
bargaining were followed by the August actions of the workers. On
5th August, 200 thousand workers marched in Ankara. It was
hitherto biggest workers' demonstration in Ankara. On 8th August,
a stoppage took place with the participation of hundreds of
thousands of workers. Additionally, the advanced sections of the
workers went onto the streets.
These August actions were followed, as explained in the article,
by the public sector workers' strikes initiated on 20th
September. Their collective bargaining process was blocked. In
the meantime the government fell. Prime Minister Tansu Çiller's
efforts to establish a minority government proved to be futile as
she could not get the vote of confidence in Parliament. Despite
the threats of the army, police and the president, on 15th
October, during the vote of confidence, the second demonstration
of hundreds of thousands of public sector workers took
place just 500 metres away from Parliament.
The working class of Turkey have responded to
the heaviest economic crisis of the history of Turkey and to the
attempts to shift all the burden of this crisis onto their
shoulders with the biggest and the most widespread strikes of
their history.
Public sector workers did not submit to the implementations of
capital and the governement, its representative, and went on
strike on 20 th September. These strikes are spreading day after
day. In late September, the number of the workers who were on
strike reached to 300 thousand. This number is increasing
everyday and is encouraging wider sections of the workers
to participate in the movement.
The main characteristics of these strikes are the large variety
of sectors and the large number of the workers participated. The
workers simultaneously went on strike in the mine, transport,
food, textile sectors, etc.
Another striking characteristic of the strikes is the tendency
and the desire of the workers to go onto the streets. The workers
seem to have learnt a lot from the struggle of the last five-six
years and not to show the same weaknesses they had before.
However, every strike has its specific conditions and they have
to be developed in these conditions. One of the particularities
of the present strikes is the fact that the government fell on
the first day of the strikes. Capital and the state want to
utilise this situation to hinder the rising vawe of the workers'
movement through a government reshuffle. We must evaluate the
letter of Koç, one of the monopolist capitalist in Turkey,
President Demirel's warning, National Security Council's threats
and the demands of capital in this context.
Obviously, the falling of the government has come onto the agenda
as a preparation of a new vawe of attacks on the workers' and
popular movement. Capitalists are trying to consolidate their
forces accordingly. They are also trying to create hopelessness
and disunity in the ranks of the workers by propagating that
"there is no one to speak to" about their collective
barganing and create the grounds for their attacks. If the
present situation is not considered this way, it will blunt the
alertness of the workers and weaken the ability to repulse the
attacks by strengthening current strikes. This is because the
fate of the struggle between the two classes will be determined
by the balance of power and the ability to utilise possibilities
correctly.
The question where the possibility of the success of the present
strikes lie can be answered through the experience of the
workers' movement. Furthermore, the workers' movement of the last
five-six years has this experience.
The facts exposed by this experience are these: First of all, the
working class has to build and strengthen its internal unity and
develop a united movement of the class. They must see the
weakness of the action which is limited to economic demands and
expand their demands to political democracy and freedom. They
must also have a platform which includes the demands of other
labouring masses and show the skill to unite and mobilise them.
They must take the initiative to create the internal organisation
of the strikes. This is very important for the continuation of
strikes on a solid basis and for preventing the possible
treachery of union bureaucracy.
After all, these strikes must not continue as ordinary strikes.
They must expand to a general strike of the working class and a
general resistance of all labouring people. This is because there
is no other way of repulsing the liberal-labelled attacks of
capital and the state and because these attacks are directed
mainly at the workers and all labouring people.
The importance of the unity of the
working class
The latest strikes began in the public sector and are continuing.
The public sector workers are the most organised and experienced
sections of the working class. However, most of them are working
in the sectors where strikes are banned. It is vital that both
these workers and private sector workers support and join the
strikes for the internal unity of the working class, for the
success of the strikes and for the repulsion of the general
offensives of capital.
The workers' sections which are not on strike should not have the
right to be the passive watchers of developments.
If the advanced sections of the working class are defeated, this
will affect not only the workers who are on strike but the
working class as a whole.
Bayram Meral, the president of Türk-Is, claims that he
considers the strikes "a life and death question for the
working class and trade unions". With whatever worries these
words are said and whatever demagogy they represent they are true
in content. The workers have to consider the essence of the
present struggle this way.
What the workers must tell trade unionists is this: "What
you say is true. We take it seriously and will do whatever is
needed. However, we have no intention of handing the fate of this
struggle over to your dirty hands."
What is necessary for the workers is to take the leadership of
these strikes and have the initiative to realise the unity of
struggle among different sections of workers. They must build
strike and resistance committees, discuss all the problems in
these committees with the largest participation of workers and
create the unity of will and action in implementing the decisions
made. To do this, they must utilise all possibilities presented
by trade unions and began to act with a definite inititative
where the utilisation is not possible.
It is obligatory to defend the demands
of other working masses
Other labouring people outside the working class are also
exploited and oppressed by capital and imperialism. Public
employees, other urban labourers, small producers and large
sections of peasantry are being dragged into poverty.
Especially the masses of public employees have been mobilising to
struggle both for their union rights and economic rights. The
oppressive terror on the Kurdish labourers are also well known.
It is a fact that at every step of the workers' movement all
these sections of society are directing their attention to the
working class and tend to respond to its calls.
The working class today is faced with the task of being the
leader of the labourers' movement and a focus where all other
labouring masses are united. Obviously, this task cannot be
fulfilled if the workers remain on a platform where they defend
just their economic demands.
The bourgeoisie and the state are trying to strike their blow
exactly at this point, i.e. smashing the workers' struggle by
isolating the working class from other labouring sections.
As experience shows, the interests of labouring masses lie in
acting with the working class. Being fooled by the demagogy of
the bourgeoisie and the state will mean more poverty. When the
working class has a platform where it can unite other labourers
around, then it is possible to make futile bourgeois tactics
which divide the labourers and which condemn them to worse
conditions.
It is vital to defend the demands for
freedom and democracy
One of the conditions for the success of the present strikes is
for them to show the skill to pass beyond economic demands.
Without taking a step back from economic and social demands, the
working class has to expand its demands to freedom and democracy.
This also constitutes one of the possibilities to unify other
labouring masses around the working class.
Fascist tyrany responds to any demands of the labouring people
with bullets, torture, massacre and state terror. The desire of
tens of millions of labourers to live humanely and freely is
being repressed with blood.
It is also known that many demands of the workers regarding
strike and organisation are faced with the barriers of the
constitution and fascist laws. Millions of public employees'
demand for the right to unionise with access to strike and
collective bargaining is being repressed by the same fascist
laws. The Kurdish labourers' demand for freedom is also being
oppressed.
Today, the demand for freedom and democracy is the common demand
of all labouring masses and this makes it possible to unify them
in a single front. It is the working class who can lead this
struggle and unify them around itself.
The other question is that if the workers' movement is to rise to
the level of independent political movement of the working class,
this can be realised on a different basis than economic struggle.
It is not possible to overthrow the bourgeoisie through economic
struggle. Even if the bourgeoise takes a step back, it will gain
what it lost through price increases, inflation, taxes, etc.
However, if the working class obtains political democracy and
freedom, then it will have got rid of the chains preventing it
from the struggle for socialism.
To sum up, the present strikes have a great importance beyond
those of ordinary periods. The question here is whether or not
the total attacks on all the labouring people carried out by
capital and its state in the direction of imperialist financial
establishments will be repulsed. If the working class considers
the developments this way and has a corresponding line of
struggle, the attacks will be repulsed and it will be the working
class and labouring masses who will win. Recently, some
developments regarding the future of the Turkish, Kurdish and
Arabic peoples took place in the international arena. These
developments, which came onto the agenda as a result of the
initiatives of the US and other imperialist countries, directly
interest and affect the workers and labourers and their struggle
for freedom and revolutionary emancipation.
What are these developments? What do the attitutes and actions of
the powers which took part in them imply?
One of the most significant developments in the region is the
Dublin meeting which was organised and controlled by the US.
Turkey also participated in this meeting as an
"observer". In the resolutions of the meeting, it was
specifically stressed that Turkey's security question must be
taken into consideration. Secondly, the US had officially
declared that since the Gulf War it was aiming to owerthrow
Saddam's regime. However, the US, in a sense, could not prevent
it from staying in power as it has not achieved yet to organise
another administration in line with its interests to replace the
old regime.Thus, internally and externally it initiated more
active attacks on Saddam's regime. It initiated deployment of new
troops in the Gulf and the military show off under the name of
"joint operation" with Jordan and Kuweit. Despite the
fact that there was no attack by Iraq at these countries, the US
created the atmosphere of a new war by declaring that "in
case of a war, it would protect Jordan to the end". It also
tried to get the full support of the regional reactionary regimes
for a new attack by spreading the propaganda that Iraq was
"producing biological weapons" and preapering to attack
its neighbours.
The US is quite forward from its rivalries in the struggle for
imperialist hegemony in the region. In order to consolidate its
position, it pursues the tactic of inciting the contradictions
between the regional states and nations and making use of them.
The US is trying to surpass its imperialist rivalries in other
areas of hegemony by advancing in the Middle East, one of the
most strategic regions of the world. To do this, it is trying to
use the hegemonic classes of Turkey, Israel, Jordan, Saudi Arabia
and even Syria. This strategic plan explains the content of
the Dublin meeting and the role given to Barzani and
Talabani , the ringleaders of the Iraqi Kurdish reactionary
forces, and to the Iraqi National Congress, the collaborationist
and reactionary opposition organised by the CIA.
Thirdly, we must speak of the political and military action of
the PKK. In the last few years, the PKK has been continually
propagating to the Kurdish people that there is a "state of
dual political power" and "they are getting closer to
power". When it could not achieve to put the "political
solution" onto the agenda through the "might of
arms", then it pursued the tactic of using mass hunger
strikes. This "political solution" implies a change of
status which involves the "recognition of Kurdish
identity" together with some rights in the cultural and
linguistic fields under the present circumstances of Turkey. We
call this plan "imperialism's Kurdish plan" as the US
is trying to impose it on the reactionary forces of Turkey. Once
the PKK realised that this plan did not work either, they began
to complain for "not having been invited to the Dublin
meeting" and started to attack Barzani's forces in Northern
Iraq in order to be the authority there and to be taken into
account.
ON THE LIQUIDATIONIST CHARACTERISTIC OF PETIT BOURGEOIS "LEFTISM"
In the present period in Turkey, the
contradictions and differences have become more apparent between
petit bourgeois ideology, its political practise and
Marxist-Leninist ideology and its proletarian socialist political
practise. So have the differences between proletarian
revolutionism and petit bourgeois leftism. The Marxists in Turkey
have been making effort, for the last 20 years, to ensure the
domination of Marxist political and ideological line by fighting
against revisionism and right and left opportunism.
The importance of the determination of Marxist-Leninists in
defending socialism and the interests of the proletariat and
labourers will be understood better, if one takes into
consideration the dimensions of revisionist treachery against
Marxism and the practise of socialism and of
bourgeois-imperialist attacks.
The differences between Marxists and petit bourgeois
"socialists" are not just tactical differences
regarding single events or developments. There are fundamental
differences on the fundamental questions of revolution and class
struggle. Petit bourgeois groups do not consider revolution in
the context of overthrowing the existing social structure where
the contradiction between labour and capital is explicit and of
establishing a new structure. Nor do they see it as a process of
political action. Thus, they do not understand the fact that this
restructuring can only take place through the action of the class
"producing the productions of labour" which has got the
support of the masses of people.
All petit bourgeois groups in Turkey such as DHKP (Revolutionary
People's Liberation Party), MLKP (Marxist-Leninist Communist
Party), TIKKO (Communist Army of Workers-Peasants of Turkey),
etc. and even PKK, claim to be Marxist-Leninist. They do
continually talk about the rethorics of Marxism-Leninism in their
500-1,500 circulated publications which are being used to
mobilise youth circles under their influence. They show how
revolutionary they are by exploding "molotov
cocktails" either on top of the "mountains"
or under the ground, in bakeries, workplaces, bus stops, car
parks, etc.
On the theoretical level these groups do not deny class struggle
and mass movement. In their publications they quite often talk
about the problems of the proletariat and the people, their
interests and their emancipation. They want people to struggle
for these ends. However, their wishes become something without
any meaning in the context of the wholeness of the eclectic line
and remain as an ornament.
If a further step is taken in terms of passing into political
practical field, the content of their action and the economist,
liquidationist and anti-Marxist characteristics of their line
become evident. Their main characteristic is their doubt about
the ability of the masses of people to make revolution.
The roots of petit bourgeois revolutionism in Turkey go to 1970s.
However, the purity of the 1971 revolutionism, its confidence in
and devotion to the people were its positive characteristic, even
though, in the conditions of that period, it was not based on the
working class. These are the values which must also be defended
today. In this context, the revolutionary prototype created by
1971 revolutionism and its understanding of struggle, despite its
wrong line, were on a platform where the revolutionary
responsibility to the people was felt in every step taken.
Comparing with the present situation, we can say that petit
bourgeois leftism had a relatively positive function in the
pre-1980 period. It was not as irresponsible as it is today. Nor
was it on a liquidationist platform yet towards popular movement.
However, the post 1990 period has been a process of degeneration
and irresponsibility. Petit bourgeois revolutionism degenerated
revolutionism and militancy. It has destroyed the link of
revolutionary militancy with its real class base and with the
struggle for the social emancipation of the working class and has
turned it into an abstract "revolutionary activism".
This "militant" has become an activist now who sets
bombs in litter boxes, garages, banks, etc., who shoots ordinary
policemen for the "justice of the people" and who makes
this an aim.
What do militancy and radicalism mean in reality? Can we talk
about militancy and radicalism for those who are not devoted to
the social emancipation of the working class and the people as a
whole? Undoubtedly, no. Radicalism and militancy are not abstract
concepts. Nor can they be decreased to the forms and vehemence of
the actions carried out. In history, the working class is the
promoter of the most radical actions which are based on the aim
of social revolution. The reason for these actions is based on
the contradiction between labour and capital. They aim to
demolish the old society, the system of the exploiters and to
build socialist relations of production.
However "radical" their militancy and their forms of
action are, where these kinds of movements will get to at the end
is reformism as they do not fight for the social emancipation of
the working class.
The present conditions in Turkey and the situation of the working
class movement differ evidently from those 20-30 years ago.
Despite the shortcoming and instability of its movement, the
proletariat of Turkey began to show its vanguard revolutionary
class position in class struggle, in a way that would encourage
all oppressed sections of society. A vanguard -workers generation
has appeared on the stage. At the same time, the orientation of
uniting around the political party of the working class has
become stronger.
Petit bourgeois revolutionism, however, has lost its
revolutionary function that it had 30 years ago and began to play
a liquidationist role against the working class movement and a
defeatist role in popular movement. What petit bourgeois groups
see the way out of the isolation they suffer as a result of their
liquidationist role is to attack the revolutionary vanguard of
the working class. This is the reason why they attack and try to
blacken our party.
This makes it more important to struggle against petit bourgeois
ideology and leftism. The reason why the revolutionary communist
party of the proletariat criticises petit bourgeois revolutionism
and its ideological and political theses is its liquidationist
and defeatist role against the working class and popular
movement.
The proletariat manifest that they will continue to carry out
their revolutionary actions, realise their historical task and
rescue the society from all its slavery chains. They will also
teach those who constitute a barrier in their front and who try
to liquidate mass movement their lesson sooner or later.
The labourers of Turkey Kurdistan
must know that their attitude towards these developments is of
vital importance for the future of the struggle for freedom and
revolutionary emancipation for themselves, for the Kurdish people
of Iraq and other regional peoples. This is because any
political, military or diplomatic development in the region
directly interest the future of the Kurdish people.
We must stress that what will be gained with the so-called peace
expressed in the Dublin meeting and the formulation of "Iraq
without Saddam", which is partly based on the Kurdish and
opposition Arabic forces, do not have anything positive to do
with the Kurdish people's demands for national freedom. What is
important for the US is its own imperialist interests. The US
thinks only of how to use who to consolidate its control over the
region and develops plans accordingly.
The so-called protection of the Kurds and the so-called federal
Kurdish state which are being promoted by the US via Barzani
andTalabani mean the continuation of the slavery of the Kurds in
reality. Practise proves that it also means the continuation of
the hegemony of the Iraqi Kurdish bourgeois-feudal reactionary
forces over the people.
Obviously, the Kurdish workers and labourers will not benefit
from any "solutions" linked to the plans of the US
imperialism or of other imperialist countries, no matter whether
forceful or peaceful methods are being used. Therefore, the
Kurdish people do not have any gains from the policy which aims
"to be a party" in a scenario staged by the US or
""to be taken into account".
Öcalan, the leader of the PKK, explains the reasons for the
latest conflicts with the KDP (Democratic Party of Kurdistan)
which also mean a fight to establish hegemony over the Kurdish
people in Northern Iraq: "While Turkey was represented in
the Dublin meeting, the representatives of the people in the
North were not there. This is a grave injustice. The enemy was
invited but the patriotic forces were not. Our initiative will
play a great role in putting an end to this practise". He
stresses that the aim of the operation they initiated is "to
establish a democratic federation". He also emphasises that
if the KDP and the YNK (Patriotic Union of Kurdistan) do not
collaborate with Turkey, he is always prepared to the unity with
them. He claims that the PKK's operation will shift the balance
of power in the region and goes on to say that "both big
powers and smaller states have now understood who is more
influential and open to development in Kurdistan. Thus, they will
review their attitudes and develop new policies". What
Öcalan reveals here is that both big powers and smaller states
should take him into account not Barzani or Talabani or, at
least, he must be recognised, as explained in Europe, "as
the third force".
The Kurdish workers and labourers must consider the PKK's
approach carefully in the context outlined above. They have to
stand against the attempts of tieing their struggle for freedom
to the imperialist plans "for a solution" in various
forms.
Sticking only to the daily economic and political oppressions
leads the struggle of the emancipation of the oppressed and
exploited clases to remain on a backward line. The Kurdish
workers and labourers must know that capitalist,
bourgeois-imperialist system is the source of the oppressions,
exploitations and slavery -and of national slavery. They must
understand the content of various political plans developed by
the bourgeoise and imperialists for the continuation of this
slavery. They must rise the struggle for a popular power and for
socialism which will defend their own class interests and ensure
real emancipation and eradication of all kinds of exploitation.
They must also evaluate all political currents, parties and
groups which claim to be "fighting for the rights of the
Kurds" according to the extent these groups are linked with
their demands and interests and their position in the struggle
against the bourgeoisie and imperialism.
When they do this they will see that neither the
Iraq-Kurdistan type of "solutions" nor the
"political solutions" designed by the imperialists have
anything to do with their national demands or enabling a national
equality and freedom. The main aim of those who impose these
kinds of "solutions" is to block the development of the
struggle in Kurdistan in the direction of a workers-peasants
revolution and socialism.
Therefore, the workers and labourers of Kurdistan is more and
more responsible to be more alert to political developments and
to follow their own class politics.
ON THE "AMENDMENT OF THE CONSTITUTION" AND REACTIONARY CLAMOUR ABOUT IT
Towards the end of July, Parliament made some
retouchings on the constitution. The amendments of some articles
of the constitution have been presented as "a giant step in
the process of democratisation".
As a choir, reactionary forces claimed that Parliament's honour
has been "cleared" and the "unity of the country
has been consolidated" through these amendments.
While all sections of reactionary forces -except for the Welfare
Party- declared these changes as a "great victory",
they were indeed covering up the fact that these so-called
changes did not have anything to do with abolishing fascist laws
which constitute a barrier in front of the working class and
labouring people to organise and take part in daily politics and
of the freedom of speech and press.
United reactionary forces mobilised all their propaganda
apparatus in order to recreate hope among people for parliament
and all parliamentarian parties, from the fascist one to the
"leftist" ones whose real faces have been exposed since
the last general election. This effort was also for clearing
these institutions.
However, it proved to be futile. The workers and labouring
people, and the Kurdish labourers who are under terror and
oppression know that these so-called amendments in the
constitution will not improve their lives or working conditions.
Thus, they do not esteem this misleading propaganda.
Even during this reactionary propaganda, some trade unions were
closed down. The workers who are affiliated to TÜMTIS (Motorised
Vehicle Workers' Union) were faced with fierce attacks. This
"new" wind of "democratisation" mobilised a
new reactionary attack against the workers' and labourers'
movement.
National Security Council (MGK) which had a meeting in late July
made a resolution in order to confiscate and censor the
opposition democratic press in the process of printing. They also
made another resolution to speed up the process of establishing
"central villages" which means more evacuation and
burning down of villages in Kurdistan.
What do these "constitutional amendments" mean in
reality? Do they really change anything?
Hundreds of thousands of workers, especially in public sector are
still banned from going on strike. Public employees' right to
unionise with the access to strike and collective bargaining has
not been recognised. Fascist constitution and laws which have
been standing like the sword of Damocles above the freedom of
speech, press and organisation are in operation. Moreover, the
"operations" of the generals of 12th September 1980
coup have been reaffirmed and sanctified. According to this, the
leaders of that period cannot be tried for criminal offences let
alone political reasons.
These are the "giant steps" which were announced with a
great pomp. Other "changes" took place to meet the
needs of the parliamentarian parties and parliament itself. If
one looks at the elements of the articles changed, it will be
seen that most of them have already become non-functional in
practise. What has been done now is to legalise, to a certain
extent, what existed already.
The parliamentarian parties which are the representatives of
capital have compromised in order to expand the class-based
interests of the bourgeoisie and to consolidate their hegemony.
In fact, this compromise took place in the corridors of the
monopolist bourgeoisie and was approved in parliament.
Through these "amendments", the dictatorship created
the basis for its imperialist masters to vote, in a relieved
manner, for Turkey's inclusion in the Customs Union. It also
aimed to refresh its image in the country but, at the same time,
launched a new wave of attacks.
This is the real meaning of the "amendments" which are
being presented as if they are for the interests of the working
people.
Once more, it is being proved that the working class and
labourers will continue to march in its own way. Parliamentarian
parties and reactionary forces, on the other hand, will continue
to manoeuvre in order to control the de facto situation created
by the actions of the workers and labourers.
When the united action of the workers and labourers enters into a
direction which will lead to a definite result, then reactionary
forces will have exhausted all the possibilities to cheat or
manoeuvre and an advanced step will have been taken towards
freedom and democracy.
This is the most important lesson that the working class must
draw from the comedy of the "amendments on the
constitution".
(This article is translated from the 191st
issue of Devrimin Sesi, the central organ of the TDKP.)
EVRENSEL: A daily paper voicing the working people
The following interview with Ihsan Caralan, the
editor of Evrensel, is summarised from Emegin Sesi (The Voice of
Labour), a monthly paper circulated among the Turkish and Kurdish
workers living in Europe.
Evrensel came out on 7th June 1995 and is circulated both in
Turkey and Europe.
Despite the fact that there are some daily
newspapers published in Turkey, you are producing a new one. Can
you tell us the reason why you find it necessary to publish this
paper?
Obviously, this paper is needed by the people
in Turkey. Almost all newspapers are the same and they are
functioning as if they are getting their news from a
state-controlled centre.
Today in Turkey, there is a problem of writing correct news. In
order for the labourers to practice their right to get correct
news we decided to publish a paper which gives news from Turkey
and from the world without distorting them.
The attitude of bourgeois press towards the
labourers is well known. It does not cover their demands and
actions. Bearing your aims in mind, do you think the conditions
exist for the labourers in Turkey to support such a newspaper?
Yes, we do. For the labourers it is an apparent
need to have a paper which will be their voice, which will
translate their living conditions to public opininion, and all
other developments taking place in other sections of society to
the labourers. Thus, we believe there is no reason why they
should not support this paper. The only reason may be the
bourgeois press' influence. However, we believe that our policy
of publication will eradicate these barriers and the news we
cover will be read with interest by all labouring classes.
A high dose of state violence towards the press
is continuing in Turkey. Your paper will also be subject to this
violence. What will your approach be towards these attacks?
Everybody knows the state's attitude towards
the opposition press. Imprisonements, bannings, confiscations,
etc. are commonplace. We are aware that as a daily paper we will
face more attacks. However, this repression will not stop us, as
it could not stop revolutionary democrats before us. Therefore,
we do not see the attacks directed at us very important. Nor do
we think they will have a significant impact on our publication.
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