Voice of Revolution - Issue No: 7 (February 97)
The Statement of the Second General Conference of the TDKP
The Second General Conference of the TDKP
consisted of various sessions. It was held in a certain period of
time and was attended by the party organisations and forces. It
ensured the broadest representation of the party circles within
the workers, labourers and the youth. All the decisions of the
conference were taken unanimously.
Our conference took place at a time, in accordance with
many-sided developments both in Turkey and in the world, when our
party has arrived at a turning point, when it has become an
indispensable task for the party to renew and develop its work
both in the ideological-political and organisational-practical
fields and to overcome its shortcomings, when it orientated
itself to renew and develop its tactical platform and its
practical-organisational work, and when the dictatorship
intensified its attacks on the party.
The agenda of the conference, which evaluated the developments
after our party’s First General Conference which was held in
February 1990, was as follows:
- International situation and trends
- Developments in our country in accordance with international
situation
- Our party’s activities in the ideological-political and
practical-organisational fields.
Our conference arrived at the following conclusions:
On the international arena:
The First General Conference of our party was
held in a transition period when the revolutionary movement of
the proletariat and the oppressed peoples was still in the period
of defeat that it entered in the second half of the 1950s, when
the destructive consequences of this period was apparent, and
when imperialism and the world reactionary forces were carrying
out a many-sided offensive campaign, uniting all their forces and
capabilities. However, this was also a period when all the
factors which were weakening the imperialist-capitalist system
and deepening its general crisis were developing.
The main characteristics of the period which have been
experienced in the international arena since our first General
Conference are the sharpening of the fundamental contradictions
of the imperialist-capitalist system, the deepening of its
general crisis, and the developments which show that this system
has been going towards a new stage of its general crisis, towards
a period of new wars and revolutions and of fundamental ups and
downs.
In the period following our party’s First General Conference
what happened was this:
a) The disintegration process of the
capitalist-imperialist bloc led by the USSR has been completed.
This was presented in bourgeois-imperialist propaganda, supported
by revisionism, as the end of socialism and the ultimate defeat
of the struggle for revolution and socialism. In the member
states of this bloc, the most open forms and methods of
capitalist exploitation and of the hegemony of the bourgeoisie,
the forms and methods that are not hidden under deformed
socialist forms, have become dominant in all fields of the social
structure.
b) In Albania, which was the only socialist
country in the world after the 1960s, socialism was destroyed and
capitalism was restored. All the destructive consequences of the
blow suffered by the revolutionary movement of the world
proletariat and the oppressed peoples in the second half of the
1950’s have become more apparent. Revolutionary positions
and foundations in the international sphere have been lost. This
has also been the weakest period for the revolutionary movement
of the world proletariat and the oppressed peoples.
The above developments paved the way for an ever greater
demagogic campaign and for the many-sided offensive waged by
imperialism and world reactionary forces against the working
class and the oppressed peoples and against the struggle for
revolution and socialism. The supremacy and ultimate victory of
capitalism was proclaimed. This victory was sanctified by
revisionism and bourgeois socialism which have been the internal
basis for the defeat suffered by the world working class and the
peoples.
The disintegration of the imperialist bloc headed by the USSR,
the collapse of socialism in Albania, the loss of the last
positions of the proletariat and the peoples, and the fall of the
movement to its lowest point, could not be and was not the
ultimate defeat of the struggle for revolution and socialism, or
the end of the fundamental contradictions of the capitalist
system, or the end of antagonistic class contradictions and of
class struggle, or the beginning of a period of universal
harmony, peace and welfare. Since the second half of the 1950s,
when imperialism and world reaction struck the heaviest blow on
the revolutionary movement of the proletariat and the peoples,
and when this movement entered a period of defeat and retreat,
the material basis for the victory of revolution and socialism
was not weakened; on the contrary, it continued to develop and
mature to such a greater extent that it cannot be compared with
the previous period.
Although the disintegration of the bloc headed by the USSR, which
was the main target for the demagogic propaganda carried out by
imperialism and world reaction, has created some opportunities
for this or that imperialist state and monopolies, it did not
create a breathing space, not even temporarily, for the
imperialist system as a whole. On the contrary, it has been a
factor paving the way to some many-sided developments that have
deepened the general crisis of the imperialist-capitalist system.
What happened with this disintegration was this:
- It put an end to a period when the capitalist
world was divided into two camps, both headed by a super-power
fighting for world hegemony, and when inter-relations and
alliances between the imperialist states and monopolies were
being shaped by this division and struggle. The balance of power
and the relations between them have been turned upside-down.
Despite the fact that the US, whose hegemony has started to be
shaken as a result of uneven development, is now the only
super-power of the capitalist world, Japan in the East and
Germany and France in West Europe have emerged as the main
imperialist centres fighting for the redivision of the world.
Facts show that Russia is recovering over the ruins of the USSR
and advancing to be a part in this struggle, and that the fight
between the imperialist countries and between the international
monopolist corporations for the redivision of the world is
intensifying and becoming more complex.
- Contrary to the claims of the
bourgeois-revisionist circles, "joining the Western
bloc" has nothelped these countries to overcome their
many-sided crisis and enter a process of stable development which
could have been an element contributing to a new phase of
progress in the world capitalist economy. On the contrary, the
crisis in these countries has deepened. They have moved towards
social disintegration and chaos, productive forces have been
destroyed, and all of their resources and social wealth have been
looted by Western imperialist countries and monopolies.
The Gulf War broke out immediately after all this imperialist
propaganda about capitalism entering a period of harmony, peace
and progress where there is no wars or class struggles. A vast
area from the Balkans to the Caucuses, from the Middle East to
Africa, mainly the spheres of influence of the ex-USSR, has
become an arena for reactionary, religious, and even tribal wars
provoked by the imperialist states and monopolies.
Contrary to the claims of the bourgeois-imperialist circles,
world capitalist economy has not entered a period of steady
growth and progress. While the process of unstable and uneven
development has deepened, the average rate of growth over a five
year period has continued to fall, let alone increase. Despite
the differences in each country, the periods between the cyclical
crises has shortened, the periods of crisis and recession have
become longer, and their destructive consequences have become
heavier. Even the bourgeois-imperialist circles can no longer
negate this fact.
The retreat of the struggle of the world proletariat and the
oppressed peoples has encouraged imperialism to intensify its
unbridled attacks. More frequent cyclical crises and recessions
with more destructive impacts, coupled with more competition and
struggle for the redivision of the world, have given some new
characteristics to this offensive. The imperialist states and
monopolies and their bases in other countries have widened their
economic and political attacks on a world scale to the following
extent in order to shift the burdens of these crises, recession
and competition on to the working class and the mass of the
people:
a) Not only the backward countries but also
small and weak advanced countries are becoming arenas for the
unlimited exploitation and hegemony of the international
financial capital; they are being put under the claws of new
colonialist methods.
b) In addition to the backward countries, all
the economic, political and social rights and gains of the
workers and labourers of the advanced countries are also being
usurped.
The intensification of exploitation, absolute poverty and the
usurpation of rights have become a part of the daily life of the
workers and labourers of the most advanced capitalist countries.
In addition to the backward countries, the increasing economic
and political attacks of capital and the worsening living and
working conditions in the most advanced capitalist countries
which are presented as the societies of peace, harmony and
welfare, have escalated anger, dissatisfaction and the tendency
to struggle among the workers, youth and other oppressed and
exploited strata. As is seen clearly in the examples of France,
Italy, Belgium, Spain and Germany, the dullness and silence of
the workers’ and labourers’ movement has been replaced
by the biggest and most united mass resistance of the last 50
years and by a new mobilisation in the form of strikes and
general strikes together with street demonstrations and marches.
Facts show that a new period of mobilisation and awakening is
developing in the ranks of the proletariat of the advanced
countries, which, qualitatively and quantitatively, constitute
the most advanced sections of the working class of the world.
In the ranks of the International Communist Movement, many-sided
ideological, political and organisational chaos and
disintegration - which increased under the circumstances when
imperialism and world reaction, uniting all their forces,
launched a massive offensive campaign - were replaced by the
process of reorganising as an international movement and of
overcoming weaknesses. The International Communist Movement has
taken some practical steps in overcoming the disintegration in
its ranks, with the gatherings in West Europe in 1993, in Quito
in 1994 and in Paris in 1995.
With the mobilisation in the movement of the proletariat and the
oppressed peoples, bourgeois and petit-bourgeois socialism and
the remnants of revisionism (all of which once openly declared
the ultimate victory and supremacy of capitalism) intensified
their attempts to organise as an international movement and to
impose their bankrupt theoretical and organisational-practical
platforms on the movement after having renewed them. Our
conference draws attention to the importance of the struggle
against these currents and to their intensified attempts, as they
are the ones who were responsible and the internal bases for the
heaviest defeat - which followed the greatest victories -
suffered by the world proletariat and the revolutionary movement
of the oppressed peoples.
Our conference adopted our party’s theses on the
international situation and trends, and highlighted the following
facts:
- The previous period has ended and a new one has started.
- The imperialist-capitalist system has not entered a period of
stability and progress but one of chaos, conflicts and
instability, and is advancing towards a break up of one or more
of its weakest chains.
- This process will be uneven in terms of its economic, political
and social aspects in general and of its reflections in each
country in particular, and will develop in ups and downs.
Having discussed the multiple impacts of the changes in the
international situation on our country, and the consequences and
tasks brought forward by these changes with regards to the
revolution in our country and the working class struggle, our
conference draws particular attention to the following points:
The present dimension of the economic, political, military, etc.
relations between the countries comprising the links of the
imperialist chain on the basis of the high level reached by
scientific and technological revolution and the
internationalisation of capital, the international situation and
its trends, are continuing to have an incomparably greater effect
on the all economic, political and ideological processes in our
country, compared with those in the first half of this century.
This is particularly true if we bear in mind the increasing
dependency of our country on imperialism in every field and its
level of capitalist development.
Despite the fact that at the present time, all the economic,
political and cultural links between countries (each one of which
is a link in the imperialist chain) have developed to an
unprecedented degree, the uneven development of these countries
is continuing. The process experienced by the imperialist
-capitalist system as a whole has a different level of
impact on each link in the chain. The processes undergone by each
country have different features and are affected differently by
the process experienced by the system as a whole.
Our country is one of the links of the imperialist-capitalist
system whose general crisis is deepening and which is moving
towards a new stage of its general crisis. As is the case in
other links, not only the victory of the proletarian socialist
revolution but also of an uninterrupted genuine popular
revolution, of the struggle of the proletariat and the people of
Turkey for their emancipation, would mean a defeat for
imperialism and the break upof one of the links of the
imperialist chain. Such a revolution must aim at uninterrupted
transition to socialism and must be led by the proletariat.
Together with the alliance of the monopolist bourgeoisie and the
big land owners, which hold state power, imperialism is the main
basis of the world reactionary forces and so constitutes the main
barrier to revolution in our country and to the struggle of the
working class and the other oppressed classes for their
emancipation. For this reason, what the deepening of the general
crisis of the imperialist-capitalist system and its move towards
a new stage of its general crisis mean is this:
- The barriers in front of the victory of revolution in our
country, of the struggle of the working class and the labourers
for their emancipation, and of the anti-imperialist democratic
revolution, which is the necessary first stage of this
revolution, are weakening.
- The international allies of the proletariat and the revolution
in our country are getting stronger.
- The international situation and international factors do not
have a consolidating or stabilising impact on the present social
system in Turkey but rather a weakening and destabilising one.
Despite the fact that the international basis for the proletarian
world revolution has become more mature and more developed in the
present time, a new rise of the revolution will begin through a
break in the imperialist chain at its weakest links. Turkey is
one of the links that feels most the impacts which cause the
imperialist-capitalist system to move towards a new stage of its
general crisis. Our conference highlights this fact which has a
particular importance because of the geopolitical situation of
our country and draws attention to the dangerous consequences of
the narrow-mindedness of nationalist perspectives.
On Turkey:
Contrary to the claims of the spokespersons of
the ruling classes who are the extensions of imperialism in our
country, the changes that led to many-sided developments in the
international arena since our First General Conference, have not
created new opportunities for Turkey in the Balkans, the
Caucasus, Central Asia or the Middle East. Nor have they
strengthened Turkey’s international relations and its
international position. On the contrary, they played have
promoted the elements of instability. The following facts clearly
demonstrate the correctness of this perspective:
- Under the conditions when the world was divided into two
imperialist blocs headed by the US and the USSR, and when the
relations between the imperialist states and between monopolies
were shaped according to the struggle of these blocs for world
hegemony - despite the rivalry between them - Turkey was a
forward station for the Western imperialist bloc and got its
support. However, this situation has changed after the
disintegration of the bloc headed by the USSR, the upset of the
inter-imperialist balance of power and the emergence of new
centres fighting for world hegemony. Turkey has become one of the
countries over which the struggle for hegemony between the
imperialist states and international monopolies has aggravated,
since none of them has been able to secure ultimate hegemony.
Turkey is dependent on the US and on the international
institutions under US control in terms of military and finance,
and on Western Europe in terms of foreign trade and indirect
capital investments. Also, the fact that Russia is recovering
adds to the impasse of the ruling classes of Turkey with regards
to which imperialist focus they should serve and to what extent.
- For the imperialist states and the international monopolies
fighting for world hegemony, Turkey is important not only because
of its resources, market and economic potential, but also because
of its geopolitical situation, being a junction for the Balkans,
the Caucasus and the Middle East, thus being an important country
for the hegemony over these regions and for expanding their
sphere of influence. Furthermore, these regions continue to be of
a great importance for the imperialist states and the
international monopolies because of their natural resources,
mainly oil, as well as their markets and great economic
potential. They also continue to be the regions which are most
effected by the changes in the inter-imperialist balance of power
and where the inter-imperialist struggle for redivision has
escalated.
- In terms of its economic and military potential as well as its
geopolitical situation Turkey is one of the largest and strongest
countries in these regions.
- Another characteristic of these regions is the existence of
different nationalities and religions and the fact that the
problems among them remain unresolved. These problems get more
complex as a result of conflicting interests of local
bourgeois-feudal groups and of the struggle for hegemony among
them. Turkey is one of these countries, with mainly the Kurdish
national question. The imperialist states and international
monopolies continue to use these conflicts and contradictions in
order to expand and strengthen their sphere of influence and to
weaken their rivals.
The 1990s have been years of unstability for the countries and
regions surrounding Turkey. The Middle East, the Balkans and the
Caucasus have become the most unstable regions in the world where
the inter-imperialist struggle for the redivision of the world
has grown more acute, where the contradictions between the local
bourgeois groups have been manipulated and provoked by
imperialist states and monopolies, and where reactionary national
wars and the wars between bourgeois groups for hegemony have
followed each other. Facts show that the inter-imperialist
struggle for the redivision of these regions is continuing, that
this struggle will have new features and will become more complex
with the recovery of Russia, and that instability will continue.
And Turkey is one of the countries which is at the centre of this
ongoing chaos and of the whirlpool of these conflicts. The
outcome of the so-called imperialist plans and attempts of the
ruling classes of Turkey, to reach new opportunities and
possibilities by being the regional middleman and subcontractor
of the main imperialist countries, international finance capital
groups and monopolies, basing everything on some historical and
cultural ties, has been a complete disappointment. Far from
providing new opportunities, these plans and attempts have
aggravated the problems and the impasse that the ruling classes
were faced with, and has led to losses (the fall in trade with
Arab countries after the Gulf War) and new burdens (increased
military expenditure), as was seen in the Gulf War, Yugoslavia
and the Caucasus.
Turkey’s economic, military, political, etc. dependence on
imperialism is increasing day after day. As is suggested by the
strategy experts of some "left" circles, especially by
those who act as advisers to the dictatorship, Turkey has not
been able to play an independent role in this region in the new
conditions that arose after the disintegration of the USSR and
the Soviet bloc. It could only play a certain role as a
cat’s-paw of this or that imperialist centre fighting for
world hegemony. While on the one hand, the imperialist countries,
above all the US, which are fighting to expand their sphere of
influence in the Balkans, the Caucasus and the Middle East, are
striving to be more influential on Turkey, they are, on the other
hand, increasing the pressure on it to play a role in line with
their interests and their policies determined by these interests.
The following have been the consequences of Turkey playing such a
role and following a foreign policy in corresponding especially
to US imperialism’s aggressive policies and its preferences.
- In addition to the problems - even in the form of embargo
- with the US, to which it is politically and militarily
dependent and for which it is acting as a servant, Turkey could
not escape from the problems and threats of other imperialist
centres.
- It had to be pulled into the whirlpool of the
increasingly acute struggle for redivision waged by the main
imperialist countries and monopolies.
- It was unable to avoid the deterioration of and
instability in its relations with its neighbours and with other
regional countries. Nor could it avoid isolation.
- The anti-national and pro-imperialist nature of its
foreign policy has intensified and become more evident.
Our conference draws attention to the fight against the foreign
policy of the ruling classes and of their fascist dictatorship
which is shaped according to the interests and preferences of US
imperialism in the region and which is pushing our country into
the whirlpool of inter-imperialist conflict in the region.
On the economic situation:
While being the most faithful base for
imperialism, mainly the US imperialism, and pursuing a foreign
policy accordingly, the ruling classes had a policy at home of
destroying the final remnants of the gains of the National
Liberation War -which was a weak anti-imperialist revolution- and
of transferring the country into an area of exploitation for
imperialist states and monopolies where they have an unlimited
hegemony in every field.
Customs and other protectionist measures have been lifted and the
subsidies for agriculture and for the state owned enterprises
have been pulled down. All the barriers in front of the
imperialist monopolies' transfers of profit and their
direct/indirect investments have been eliminated. Under the
directives of the IMF and the World Bank the economy continued to
develop in the 1990s in the direction of a typical colonial
economy. The distraction in agriculture has deepened; industrial
enterprises, which are limited in numbers and which constitute
the basis of an independent economy, have been handed over to
imperialist monopolies; the leftovers have been left to die with
no renewal of technology and no investment; the control and
hegemony of imperialist monopolies have become stronger in the
commercial sector too.
Although the 1990s were announced to be the years of a stable
growth, of catching up with the most advanced countries, and of
breaking the chains of backwardness, since our First General
Conference the economy could not get out of the process of a
short-term recovery and growth followed by a stagnation and
shrinking. Moreover, in the last five years the average rate of
growth fell below the averages of the first and second halves of
the 1980s, and its unstableness has deepened. The country has
entered in the heaviest economic crisis of the second half of the
century, which started in the financial sector in 1994 and spread
immediately into commercial and industrial sectors. Although a
period of recovery began in 1995, partly as a result of the
shifting of all the burdens of the crisis on to the working class
and all other exploited and oppressed masses, all the available
data indicate that the economy is moving towards a new crisis.
The main economic indicators such as the rate of inflation,
internal and external debt, the level of total investments,
foreign trade and the balance of current account have shown a
negative trend compared to those of the 80s. The economy is on
the verge of a financial bankruptcy as the payments of internal
and external debt and the interests on it can only be made
through new loans and through the selling of state enterprises
for nothing to imperialist monopolies and their local
collaborators. While the proportion of productive investments
decreases unearned incomes continue to grow rapidly.
In addition to the poor of urban and rural areas, in all sectors
of the economy the situation of middle and small enterprises
continue to deteriorate rapidly. While some of them are dragged
into bankruptcy, the suffocating yoke of finance capital and
monopolies on those which manage to survive has intensified
further. The peasants’ movements in Adiyaman, Bursa, Malatya
and Muœla, though developing under the influence of big
landowners and agricultural bourgeoisie, show that
dissatisfaction and anger is rising among the small and middle
property owners, that their orientation towards struggle, though
not wide-spread and permanent yet, is developing, and that the
social basis of the dictatorship, imperialism and the ruling
classes among these strata has weakened. This is one of the
characteristics of the period we are going through. The Customs
Union with the EU, the negative consequences of which have
not yet fully appeared, and the implementation of the IMF and the
World Bank programmes will worsen the destruction of small and
middle property owners and increase the suffocating oppression of
imperialism and monopolies.
The burning down and depopulation of the villages in Kurdistan
have deepened the destruction of agriculture and cattle-dealing,
deteriorated the situation of the peasantry and escalated
migration to the towns. Millions of labourers, mainly Kurdish
peasants, had to migrate to big cities where there is a high rate
of unemployment and poverty and where they have no security for
their future. The army of unemployed and semi-proletarian masses
is growing to an unprecedented degree.
The pay rises implemented after the rise of the workers’
movement with the 1989 strikes and demonstrations have been
eroded through high inflation. This caused the decline of real
wages. Despite temporary fluctuations, the real wages of the
workers and all other labourers dropped throughout 1990s. The
year 1994 was a turning point as it marked the beginning of a
period of the sharpest decreases and deterioration of real wages
and of the living and working conditions of the oppressed and
exploited classes.
Turkey is entering a new period of an inevitable economic crisis
and new offensives, following a period of the most rapid
rise in absolute poverty of the last fifty years. This is one of
the most significant characteristic of the period we are passing
through.
On the political situation:
The 1990s have been the years when the mass and
social basis of the ruling classes and of the fascist
dictatorship weakened, when the impasses and problems they were
faced with in the country deepened and their international
relations deteriorated. The following facts demonstrate this
situation clearly:
Despite the demagogy about democratisation and liberalisation, no
steps were taken in the 1990s towards the recognition and
constitutional guarantee of democratic rights and freedom (nor
towards the solution of Kurdish national question which is an
element of this). On the contrary, oppression and terror
intensified and became wide-spread. The dictatorship’s
apparatus for attacks and repression have constantly been
strengthened with ever increasing power. It has also become clear
that with all its establishments the parliament was not an
instrument of the realisation of bourgeois democracy, but on the
contrary, it was a puppet functioning to deceive people and to
give a democratic appearance to the fascist dictatorship. While
the friction between the parties of the bourgeois system are
escalating, the "representative" establishments, with
their political parties, government and parliament are now more
discredited than at any other time in their history.
Although the aggravating friction between the bourgeois parties
is being used to divert the masses’ attention from real
problems, they also help expose, even if only partially, their
corruption and rottenness.
In the 1990s, the balance of power between the parties of the
bourgeois system changed such that it kept governmental crises
and snap-elections constantly on the agenda, which made even the
Grand National Assembly non-functional. Despite all the
restrictions and anti-democratic election regulations, none of
the bourgeois parties was able to come out of the latest general
elections with a level of mass support big enough to enable them
to establish the strong and stable government which imperialism
and the ruling classes wanted. None of these parties, including
the Welfare Party - one of the coalition partners - which
increased its votes by using anti-system rhetoric and religious
motifs, have the mass support and strength that could calm down
the anger and dissatisfaction of the masses, and that could unify
all the reactionary forces around imperialism’s and the
ruling classes’ policy of attacking the people.
No matter how restricted the power and role of the parliament is
in the political life of the country, the developments mentioned
above weaken the ruling classes and the dictatorship, and
aggravate their impasse. However, these developments on their own
do not paralyse or shake the instruments of political hegemony of
imperialism, monopolist bourgeoisie and big land owners. This is
because with its political parties, governments and other
institutions, the existing parliament is not the power that rules
the country, even in appearance. The real power that is ruling
the country not only in practice but also in appearance is the
oligarchy consisting of imperialism, the monopolist big
bourgeoisie, the big land owners, generals, police chiefs and
other administrative institutions of the militarist-bureaucratic
apparatus, all of which are interlinked and combined. Our
conference highlights this fact and defines it as foolishness to
consider the friction between the parties of the bourgeois system
and the change in the balance of power between them as an
indication of a political crisis and of a revolutionary
situation.
Widespread corruption, decay and conflicts between different
cliques are growing, although this does not paralyse the state
and its main instruments like the army and the police
organisation, which are the main instrument of the hegemony of
the ruling classes and imperialism. It can no longer be hidden
that the police and the army have close links with mafia, with
gangs and with all sorts of scandals, corruption, bribery, etc.
Scandals following one another and the unbridled terror of the
offensive apparatus of the dictatorship, above all the police
forces who are given unlimited authority, speed up the process
whereby the masses can realise through their own experience what
the main functions of the state and other institutions really
are, resulting in the destruction of their reactionary prejudices
with regards to these institutions, especially among their
awakening sections.
Another significant development is the growth of the
dissatisfaction and anger among the lower strata government
employees whose living conditions are deteriorating rapidly. They
are getting organised as a separate force from the top strata of
the bureaucracy. The fact that public employees’ movement is
advancing and orientating towards uniting with the workers’
movement, though it does not include the police and the army, is
an indication of disintegration in the state apparatus, and bears
significance as it is afactor in the weakening of the
dictatorship.
One of the most significant developments of the 1990s has been
the weakening of the masses’ belief in the improvement
of living and working conditions and of democratic rights and
freedom under the existing regime. Their disillusionment with
traditional bourgeois parties and the orientation towards new
expectations have escalated. Especially among the advanced
section of the workers, the orientation towards organising as a
separate party has grown stronger. However, despite this
orientation, the disorganisation among the majority of the
advanced workers has not been overcome yet, and they are not yet
organised in a revolutionary workers’ party. This is one of
the reasons why the workers’ movement has not been able to
enter a process of stable development, why the stagnation of the
movement in 1992-93 has not been overcome despite the
mobilisations in 1994-95, and why the open mass movement of the
workers is at its weakest point of the last ten years.
The reasons why the open mass movement of the workers and
labourers and the Kurdish national movement have been going
through a new period of stagnation and disorganisation since the
middle of 1995 differ in some points from the reasons for the
stagnation in 1991-94. This is because in the former period the
living conditions of the working classes and the Kurdish
labourers got worse and did not show any improvement such as it
did in 1990-91. Furthermore, government’s campaigns for
"democracy" did not give rise to expectations and
become a factor blocking the mass movement. In fact, the
open mass movement was blocked mainly from within.
The policies of the traditional liberal "left"
groups’ and the trade union bureaucracy have dragged the
working masses into hopelessness. Terrorism stemmed from the
complete rottenness of the anarchistic "socialist"
currents. All these have played a liquidating role which resulted
in the disorganisation of the mass movement, the destruction of
the relationship between the advanced and the backward sections
of the working people, and the provocation of the political
atmosphere and the masses.
The "work" of the Kurdish nationalist current which is
based on the enmity between the Turks and the Kurds and which has
been reshaped since 1991 within the orbit of the
inter-imperialist struggle for their interests, has had a
two-sided effect. Firstly, it has pushed Turkish labourers into a
position that is exposed to the provocative activities of
capital. Secondly, it has been a factor turning the growing
dissatisfaction and tiredness among the Kurdish population into
hopelessness. The organisations of the advanced workers
struggling under such circumstances were not able to counter all
these negative factors or to minimise their destructive
consequences. In spite of the fact that the break away of the
labouring masses from the system deepened in 1995-96, these
factors that feed and strengthen each other gave rise to the
stagnation of the open mass movement, and to a disorganising
hopelessness among the lower strata of the population.
Terrorist attacks, actions on behalf of the youth, irresponsible
attacks and looting by the "left" as was experienced on
the May Day, and their consequences, provocative activities
against trade union platforms, bureaucratic structures of the
unions, etc., all these had a negative effect that destroyed the
morale of the masses. All these were used by the dictatorship to
usurp the positions gained de-facto by mass struggle (for example
massive illegal demonstrations), to intensify its attacks and to
create more fascist laws.
The stagnation of the mass movement is not an absolute
phenomenon. Possibilities and conditions are continuing to
develop and ripen for the mass movement to enter a new period of
ascendance that may also include explosions, to develop as a
united struggle of all the oppressed and exploited classes, and
to overcome the factors that destroy and push backward the
workers’ and labourers’ movement.
Despite the constant strengthening of the dictatorship’s
apparatus for attacks and repression and the intensification of
oppression and terror, the scope of the democratic rights which
are used in practice continued to expand in accordance with the
rise and fall of the mass struggle. Turkey is going through a
period where the living and working conditions of the oppressed
and exploited classes are deteriorating rapidly, where none of
their immediate economic and political demands are being met,
where dissatisfaction, anger and the tendency for struggle
are growing among the masses. On the other hand, the ruling
classes and the government are intensifying their economic and
political offensive and watching for the right moment to
implement new packages of attacks. The present conditions show
that the economic and political attacks of the monopolist big
bourgeoisie and the big land owners, supported by imperialism -
above all by the IMF and the World Bank - will intensify, and the
living and working conditions of all oppressed and exploited
classes will become worse. This will inevitably cause the growth
of dissatisfaction, anger and the orientation to struggle among
the masses, and the sharpening of the contradictions between the
ruling classes and those who are ruled, and between labour
and capital.
In Turkey, although the struggle between revolution and
counter-revolution, between labour and capital, and between the
oppressed and exploited classes and the alliance of imperialism
and the ruling classes is not yet at the level of a final
settling of accounts, the current process is approaching this
level. This development is not in the form of a straight line,
but of rises and falls.
All these facts prove the importance and urgency of the creation
of the united front for the struggle and resistance of the
masses. In contrast to the right and "left" opportunist
groups, our party does not consider the question of unity as one
of "unity of the left" or as "an alliance between
the left groups". These groups which do not have any links
with the working class and its movement, and the
"unity" or "alliance" among them do not play
a unifying and advancing role for the movement. On the contrary,
they play a weakening and liquidating role because of their
platforms and their understanding of action. Our party’s
primary policy with regards to unity is the creation of the
united struggle of the broad masses of workers and of a Labour
(and Popular) Front with the workers at its centre, as well as
the creation a single party of the working class. Existing
workers’ platforms, trade unions and other social
organisations are the instruments to achieve this at present.
In creating a strong front for the struggle against the attacks
of capital and the dictatorship, in repulsing these attacks and
advancing in the direction of emancipation, the party is the
fundamental weapon of the working class. Our conference draws
attention to the daily movement of the working class and to the
task of giving maximum assistance to the preparation and
organisation of the masses - above all the working class - for
the revolution, the task of rebuilding of the mass party which
will have the ability use to the full all the necessary
instruments and opportunities to this end and which will embrace
the majority of the awakening sections of the working class, and
the task of rebuilding the organisation of communist workers with
iron discipline.
After assessing our party’s activities in all fields since
the First General Conference, our conference came to the
following conclusions:
The TDKP has been loyal to the cause of the emancipation of the
proletariat in late 1980s and early 1990s when all the
destructive consequences of the defeat that the revolutionary
movement of the world proletariat and the oppressed peoples began
to suffer in the second half of the 1950s appeared clearly, when
the period of defeat and retreat was continuing, when imperialism
and reactionary forces intensified their offensive, and when the
revolutionary movement of the proletariat and the peoples fell to
its lowest point. Our party drew attention to the fact that the
victory of imperialism, the bourgeoisie and their bases in every
country and the defeat suffered by the proletariat, the peoples
and the struggle for revolution and socialism were temporary, and
that the general crisis of the imperialist-capitalist system has
deepened and has been moving towards a new stage at the time when
it was proclaiming its final victory. The TDKP did not allow any
jolt or any currents of imperialism and capital with a socialist
mask to appear in its ranks even in a period when all the
currents, organisations and parties which claimed to be
revolutionary and socialist, were shaken, disorganised and
disintegrated under the increasing repression and attacks of
imperialism, the bourgeoisie and all shades of revisionism in our
country and in the world. In such a period, in February 1990, it
held its First General Conference and unanimously adopted the
resolution to fight against the many-sided attacks of imperialism
and all shades of revisionism, to defend all the historical gains
of the world proletariat and to continue the struggle until the
ultimate emancipation of the working class. It fought against
bourgeois and petit-bourgeois non-working class tendencies which
emerged in its ranks and did not allow them to divert the party
from its path. It learnt lessons from its mistakes and its
practice and struggled sincerely to fulfil its responsibilities
not only for the working class of our country but also for the
working class of the world.
The TDKP placed at the centre of its activities the maximum level
of help to the development of the level of the leadership,
consciousness, organisation and struggle of the working class and
gave special importance to the youth, despite all the weaknesses
and shortcoming of this section of society, as they represent the
future. It has distinguished itself from other currents and
organisations in every field with its position in and relations
with the mass movement, especially the workers’ movement.
Our party has become the only current which carried out
activities among the workers and which has the potential to
advance the workers’ movement, while all other currents
claiming to make the revolution and establish socialism moved
towards bourgeois liberalism or individual terrorism.
What prevented our party from renovating and making the necessary
changes in time in the relations between its slogans and forms
and methods of organisation and the struggle in accordance with
the changes in the conditions and according to the development of
the workers’ movement, were the reflections of bourgeois
liberalism in various fields, above all on organisational
discipline, and the practical opportunism in its ranks which
represented the so-called underground work of the traditional
left. This so-called underground work of the traditional left has
no links with the workers’ movement and with its needs.
Instead, these elements hid behind the excuse of secrecy and
security, and did not have the courage to make the change
and development in their way of thinking, living and working that
is required by the needs of the workers’ movement. Our party
did not have the ability to use to the full all the possibilities
and instruments developed both by the progress in the
workers’ movement and by the activities it carried out.
Moreover, these possibilities were paralysed as a result of these
tendencies and weaknesses in our organisation. These tendencies
had opportunity to develop in recent years when the
dictatorship’s attacks intensified on our party and were
able to be effective due to the delay in the rebuilding and
renovation of the party, and when extraordinary measures had to
be taken in order to minimise losses under these conditions.
The changes in conditions, the level of development of the
tendency especially among the advanced workers to organise as a
separate class, the outcome of the activities carried out by our
party so far and its position and influence in the workers’
movement, all these have proved that the agitation and propaganda
and organisational activities which - despite the mistakes and
weaknesses - advanced our party’s work, and the
organisations, positioning of the cadres and the relations
between the forms and instruments that it used in carrying out
these activities have become obsolete. It has become inevitable
that we renew and develop these activities with new forms and
instruments. It was not possible to achieve this transformation
through some partial changes, while keeping the old organisation
and old perspective. It could only be achieved through rebuilding
our party in every field - legal and illegal - and purifying and
renewing its forces. Our conference approves all the decisions of
the Central Committee taken with this perspective and the steps
taken in practice by our party. It draws attention to the
decisive relation between the rebuilding of our party, the
renovation of its activities in all fields according to the
changes in conditions, and the ability that all the party forces
will show in overcoming their weaknesses and mistakes, and most
importantly, between the renovation of the working class and the
youth with fresh forces and an iron discipline.
Not only in countries like Turkey where a fascist dictatorship
reigns but also in the most democratic and stable bourgeois
republics, the revolutionary party of the working class has to
have a sound clandestine organisation in order to secure the
continuation of its activities, the future of the workers’
movement, and the development of assistance to and influence on
this movement with a revolutionary line which is not restricted
by (bourgeois) laws.
In addition to the maximum use of the legal possibilities and the
consolidation of the work in this field, one of the most
important tasks of the day is the rebuilding and consolidation of
the illegal organisation which has the features required to meet
the needs of the workers’ movement. This is necessary for
the continuation of the activities of preparing and organising
the revolution and for its success. What is needed is not a
so-called illegal organisation which has no links with the
workers’ movement, which is far from meeting the needs of
this movement, and which has become degenerated and become an aim
instead of an instrument (for the revolution). What is needed is
an illegal organisation with thousands of links, which is sound
and capable of utilising all instruments and possibilities and of
organising and directing the struggle for revolution and
socialism in the face of the fierce attacks of
counter-revolutionary forces. While utilising the possibilities
in legal field to the full, another fundamental task facing the
conscious sections of the working class, above all the organised
forces of our party, is to become perfect in illegal work, to
strengthen the clandestine organisation and to encourage the
awakening sections of the working class to organise in that
organisation.
Contrary to the suggestions of the right and "left"
wing of the traditional "left", which stand on a
completely liquidationist platform today, legal and illegal
organisation and work do not exclude or alternate each other. On
the contrary, they constitute the unity of two different aspects
of a single aim, complementing and strengthening each other. It
is not possible to help the workers’ movement develop and to
build a sound and constantly strengthened clandestine
organisation by turning one’s back on the present tasks to
advance the level of consciousness, organisation and struggle of
the workers’ movement, on the most effective instruments and
forms of this work, and consequently, on the movement itself.
On the basis of organising revolutionary work based on factories
and advancing this work, our conference draws attention to the
importance of strengthening and giving full support to the
organisation of the working class in the open-legal
(economic-political) field, to supporting and consolidating the
open/legal workers’ press which is one of the most
influential instruments of organising and advancing the struggle
of the working class, and to using it effectively in the daily
work that must be carried out energetically in this field.
Our conference, which has passed resolutions on the questions of
organisation, women, culture, youth, overseas organisations and
the national question, expresses its belief that all party
organisations and forces, advanced workers, and the youth will
sincerely and with great sacrifice carry out the decisions of the
Second General Conference of the TDKP.
October 1996