Voice of Revolution - Issue No.1 (July 94)

 INTRODUCTION

The aim of this Bulletin is to give information about the practical, political and theoretical activities of the TDKP among the workers, youth and working people's movement in Turkey and Turkey-Kurdistan, and the problems of the movement.

The Bulletin will also give importance, within the natural context of a bulletin, to expressing the Party's experiences and the conclusions it has drawn from its activities. By doing this we hope that the possibilities for mutual benefit and for concrete relations with other parties and organisations, which are a part of the international communist, democratic and progressive movement, will expand. It is obvious that this will also help advance the common struggle against imperialism and the international reactionary forces.

The Bulletin will not only have articles translated from the Party's periodicals and literature, but it will also include articles that will fill the information gap regarding the history of the workers' and communist movement in Turkey, the stages that this movement passed through, and its characteristics.

The Bulletin will be published only in English and come out as frequently as possible.

• BRIEF INFORMATION ABOUT THE TDKP

The Revolutionary Communist Party of Turkey (TDKP) announced its foundation at its First (Foundation) Congress held on 2 February 1980. However, the roots of the communist movement in Turkey and the process of the TDKP's construction go very far back.

The TDKP was founded in an ideological struggle against the opportunist heritage and tradition. TKP (The Communist Party of Turkey) was the first communist party in Turkey. It was founded in 1920 as a branch of the Communist International. A short while after its foundation, the founders of the party, under the leadership of Mustafa Suphi, were murdered as a result of a plot by the Kemalist movement. Although TKP remained as a member of the Comintern in the following period, it followed a compromising-opportunist and bourgeois-tailist policy.

What remained in the name of communism in Turkey was the TKP's opportunism until the late 1960s when the People's Liberation Army of Turkey (THKO) and other radical revolutionary organisations were founded.

The TDKP developed from the THKO. It was founded by Deniz Gezmis, Yusuf  Aslan and Huseyin Inan, who were executed on 6 May 1972, and by some other revolutionary youth leaders. It was an organisation of struggle against imperialism and the fascist dictatorship. It was founded as a reaction against the compromising passivist tradition of revisionism. It represented the disillusionment with revisionism. However, on the other hand, it remained as a Guevarist petit-bourgeois organisation which could not go beyond the platform of revisionism in the ideological sphere. It was eventually subjected to the blows of the dictatorship. Its leaders and militants were murdered either on the gallows or in the mountains.

In 1975 a new process started with self-criticism and continued until the foundation of the TDKP in 1980. This was the Party's construction process in which it was orientated towards the working class and Marxism-Leninism. It was also a process in which an intense struggle was carried out as a part of the International Communist Movement led by comrade Enver Hoxha and the Party of Labour of Albania against Krushchevite modern revisionism, petit-bourgeois revolutionaries and Maoism. Also in this period tens of thousands of workers, labourers and youngsters were organised and mobilised for the struggle against fascism. Within this foundation process, our organisation lost about 200 martyrs in this struggle.

With the military fascist coup that took place seven months after the TDKP's First Congress, our country underwent the darkest years of intense reaction in its history. The Party was subjected to the attacks of the enemy. As a result of this and of its shortcomings it suffered heavy blows.

These blows of the enemy were accompanied by the inner-party liquidationist-opportunist offensive. The Party was on the verge of liquidation. The process of re-organisation of the Party and mobilisation of its forces began in 1987.

With the cleansing of the Party the liquidationist groups that had emerged as a reflection of intimidation and submission in the face of the anti-socialist winds blowing in a world scale and of the terror of fascism and which had tried to seize the Party centre, the TDKP opened the way to resume its fundamental tasks.

The Party's First General Conference of February 1990 constituted a platform on which this process was re-evaluated and the necessary conclusions were drawn. Also the revolutionary tasks on both the national and international scale were set and various decisions on political, organisational and tactical themes were made.

Under the heavy oppression of fascism, the TDKP is entirely organised illegally. Its main fields of work are the industrial centres where the proletariat is concentrated. It is working among the youth and other working strata in the towns and the working class, poor peasantry and the youth in Kurdistan. The TDKP is making further efforts to become a mass party, composed of strong workers' organisations which represent the most advanced elements of the working class and which has roots within the class.

The Revolutionary Communist Party of Turkey is struggling against imperialist plunder, heavy exploitation and oppression, national oppression and the fascist dictatorship which is the form of the hegemony of the bourgeoisie and the big land owners in Turkey and Turkey-Kurdistan. It is struggling to establish  a revolutionary-democratic people's power and to build socialism.

As the Turkey and Kurdistan branch of the International Communist Movement TDKP is acting with the perspective of  proletarian internationalism and of world revolution. 

• NEW WAVE OF ATTACKS AND THE TASKS OF THE DAY

Despite all the so-called stabilisation measures and economic policies that have been implemented for years, our country's economy has undergone an unstable development. The characteristic of the last 10 years is that  the economy has not been able to escape from the whirlpool of the crisis. A weak revival has been followed by stagnation and recession. The budget and current account deficits have not been overcome. The elements of a major and deep crisis that could cause a complete collapse of the economy have accumulated.

Although the economic crisis has not in the last 10 years, been overcome, it has not yet developed to the stage of a complete collapse that deeply shakes the society economically, socially and politically and results in  fundamental changes. However, the fact that this has not taken place immediately will not prevent this process from accumulating the elements of a deep crisis that will result in a complete collapse. At a certain stage of the intensity of this accumulation, the emergence of the many-sided consequences in economic, social and political areas, and of the crisis that would upset the relations between the classes are inevitable. In the present period, Turkey has entered this process.

One should see the specific character of this process and not confuse it with the previous ones of stagnation and recession. This aspect of the question is very significant in terms of determining correctly how the struggle between revolution and counter- revolution is developing, being prepared for possible developments, preparing the masses and ensuring the workers' movement advances in line with the correct tactics.

Ignoring the specific character of this process that Turkey is entering into during the present period would be a grave mistake with very serious consequences as far as the oppressed peoples and organised forces of revolution are concerned. This would result in not evaluating the developing opportunities, in other words missing the historical opportunities. Also we would be caught unprepared for the offensive of the enemy in all areas and be pushed into losing positions and suffering heavy defeats.

The above mentioned process of collapse affects not only the oppressed and exploited classes but also the ruling classes. It causes the jolt of the grounds on which the present system is based. As a result it compels the ruling classes to take new measures to be able to maintain their hegemony and system. It is obvious that they, as usual, will continue not to be indifferent to the fact that their social system is moving towards a comprehensive collapse. In fact they are intensifying their offensive and preparing new ones.

The new wave of offensives by the dictatorship is characterised not only by an economic and political attack. The ruling classes are taking steps in line with the economic stability measures of the IMF and World Bank. At the same time, they are preparing an atmosphere in which -with the passage of the anti-terror law- the restricted legal opportunities would disappear too and the fascist oppression and terror could be implemented freely. Meanwhile the possibility of a military fascist coup  is being put on the agenda. Hence, they are intimidating the working class and labourers as well as paving the way to a new coup. They are trying to legitimise these attacks and stop the disillusionment with the system's parties by putting forward the question "a coup or  parliamentary regime?"

It is obvious that a crisis and collapse, on its own , does not spontaneously bring about the victory of the oppressed and exploited classes. It can only offer  the possibility for the struggle of the workers and all oppressed  people to rise and win victory. The result will be determined by the capability, courage and decisiveness of the oppressed and exploited classes in taking advantage of these opportunities.

The period we are in will promote discontent, anger  and the will for struggle in the ranks of all the oppressed classes. Also, it will promote a clear class differentiation and the contradictions to intensify. It will also develop the mass basis of the struggle, push new forces into this struggle and strengthen the tendency for struggle and organisation. In addition, the new wave of fundamental attacks will improve the prospect of the workers' and labourers' movement rising to the level of political struggle that puts the seizure of the power at its centre.

All these developments and changes will inevitably bring about the amendment of slogans and their inter-relations, as well as the forms of struggle and organisation.  Therefore, it is becoming increasingly important to renew and improve them.

It, however, should be clearly seen that the movement of the oppressed and exploited classes, mainly the workers movement,  can not repulse the new attacks with their current level of organisation, the forms and line of struggle that they have implemented so far and the level of courage and determination they displayed. Moreover, one of the objectives of these attacks will be to disarm the workers and labourers movement in all aspects and to demoralise them.

The most urgent tasks before the organised and advanced workers are these: 

 - to resist the attempts to disarm and demoralise the workers and labourers movement; 

 - to utilise developing opportunities as effectively as possible; 

 - to wage a decisive struggle against all signs of demoralisation, dispersion and disorder; 

 - to promote the level of organisation of the class, chiefly the advanced workers, and to develop the forms of struggle and organisation that are compatible with the period and changing conditions; 

 - to consolidate their organisation and the underground work as its only guarantee in the present conditions, and to purge this work of shortcomings; and 

 - to carry out the broadest educational work about the character and direction of this period.

Even though the advanced workers, who are organised in or around their own class party, constitute a small minority of the class today it is possible for them to achieve these urgent tasks.

•   SOME DATA ON TURKEY'S ECONOMY

The following data about Turkey's economic situation,which  is dependent on imperialism, give a clue about the present dimension of the economic crisis which is developing towards an entire collapse.

* Turkey's external loans rose to 63 billion dollars at the end of last year . In the last few months this trend has rapidly boasted (at the beginning of April the loans increased to 70 billion dollars).

* The total of internal loans reached to 350 trillion Turkish Lira. The present budget deficit is expected to be over 400 trillion TL in 1994.

* Foreign trade deficit  reached to 14 billion dollars at the end of 1993. The current account deficit is 6 billion dollars. The spokespersons of the bourgeoisie are themselves confessing that the deficits of foreign trade and of current account have been the biggest ones in the history of Turkey.

* The inflation rate is explained to be 75% by the official records. However, it can be said that it has reached to 100% in reality. The present trend of the economy shows that Turkey will soon face a hyper-inflation.

It can be said that Turkey has entered 1994 with a many-sided deep crisis. This crisis has upset the money market and caused a grave panic. It has also affected all sectors of the economy, mainly the financial sector, and revealed all accumulated problems and the impasses apparently.

The crisis showed itself first with an influx towards foreign exchange and as a result of this the devaluation of the TL. Then it was followed by the decline of the value of bonds and a rapid increase of the interest rates. The sales in almost all sectors of the economy, mainly in the car industry, which is one of the driving force sectors, has    either declined or stopped and the stock has grown.

• THE 5 APRIL DECREE

After the local elections on 27th March the government announced its austerity programme calling on the workers and labouring masses to make sacrifices.

* Various branches of 12 state owned public  utilities to be closed down and 18 of them to be privatised by the end of 1994; * 50-100 per cent price increases  on basic consumer goods and energy; 

* Supplementary taxes similar to poll tax; 

* Wage freeze; 

* Retirement eligibility to be increased from 5,000 working days to 7,200 for women and 9,000 for       men; 

* Government subsidies for agricultural productions except for grain, sugar beet and tobacco to be stopped; 

* 38.5 per cent devaluation of the Turkish Lira against the dollar.

• THE MIDDLE-EAST, CAUCASUS AND THE BALKANS... THE STRUGGLE AGAINST IMPERIALISM...

Even though there are other tense conflict regions in the world, the Middle-East, Caucasus and the Balkans are, with no doubt, the main areas that are in turmoil and war.

It is a fact that in these regions -which border Turkey from the south-east, north-east and north-west- the contradictions between the nations have intensified. On the other hand the competition of the big powers to broaden their sphere of influence and seize strategic points is increasing.

The history of this century and of two World Wars has proved these regions to always have a great strategic importance for the struggle among the imperialist states for hegemony. For this reason the Middle-East, Caucasus and Balkans have always been the regions of tension, turmoil and war.

The conflicts in these regions should not be considered as a temporary phenomenon. In the present period where the contradictions among the imperialist powers are deepening, these regions are the ones whose economic, political and military importance is growing rapidly.

Consequently the turmoil and wars embroiling these regions do not consist of only mutual animosity between the regional nations and peoples. They are actually provoked and supported by the imperialist countries. It is obvious that if the interference of the imperialist countries stopped, the national reactionary forces that wage these conflicts and wars could not survive. Nor would there be any reason left for the regional nations and peoples to become enemies and fight each other. 

  

Following the collapse of the Eastern Block the above mentioned regions have been the first ones to be subjected to redivision in terms of the new balance of power. As a result it was inevitable that they would be subject to national and social disintegration, degeneration and wars. What has been experienced recently constitutes sufficient proof to show the imperialist interests behind these conflicts and wars and the powers fighting for these interests.

For instance even the defenders of imperialism can not deny that those who incite and arm the Israeli Zionists, Arab reactionary forces and Saddam reaction against the Arab and Palestinian people and Iranian revolution are  US imperialism and other imperialist states. Facts such as the strengthening of Israeli Zionism against the Arab-Islam peoples, the existence of pro-American kingdoms and reactionary Arab regimes despite the hatred of their peoples, the subjugation of the Arab, Palestinian and Kurdish movements to imperialism, etc. can not be explained any other way.

The imperialist powers that claimed "to establish peace" in the region are those that have provoked the national contradictions in the Balkans and led socialist Albania, which was the element of stability and peace in the region, to collapse, Yugoslavia to disintegration and Bulgaria and Romania to turmoil. What they did, in fact, was to arm these countries and divide them into enemy camps. They also had made Tito-reaction the bully of the Balkans.

What has been experienced in the last five-six years, however, is a change of situation, the emergence of new conflicting interests and the organisation of new collaborator cliques. Despite the futile attempts to cover reality, the obvious fact is that Russia, Britain and the US -even though indecisive- are supporting the armed Serbian reactionary forces, and on the other hand the Slovak, Croatian and Bosnian reactionary forces are being supported by Germany and France.

The Caucasus were controlled and dominated by Soviet social imperialism in the past. Following the disintegration of the Soviet Union it is now faced with a new growing fight among Russia, the US and other imperialist countries. While the Western capitalist countries, mainly the US, are trying to preserve the collaborator classes that have been organised on the basis of national animosities, Russia finds it beneficial both to make these countries and nations fight each other and to "conciliate" them.

The summary of what is happening in the Middle-East, Caucasus and Balkans is this: The contradictions between the regional nations, peoples and states, that had continuously been provoked by the big powers, are now being provoked and made antagonistic. The main reasons for the unrest and war in these regions are the hegemony of imperialism over the regional nations and peoples and the intense fight between the big capitalist states for markets and spheres of influence. Those who have become enemies and waged war are, in fact, not the regional nations and peoples, but the imperialist countries fighting for hegemony. The present period is one of redivision of the world among the big capitalist powers. Furthermore, each imperialist country is aware that if one establishes its hegemony and ensures its superiority in these regions, it will become better placed in influencing other regions. These three regions are the most important and strategic ones in the world as far as the imperialist states that are aspiring for the world hegemony are concerned. The imperialist interferences in these regions, as is the case everywhere, are carried out under the pretext of "peace-keeping", "democracy", "justice" and "humanitarian assistance".

It is a well-known fact that Turkey is subcontracting the imperialist states in interfering in the problems of these regions. It has been implementing the policy of competition and tension in its relations with the neighbouring countries for the last five-six years. It is trying to interfere in all problems in the Middle-East, Caucasus and Balkans. Despite its economic crisis, it is pressing ahead with its armament policy.

The main features of Turkey's foreign policy are: Supporting the attacks of the imperialist coalition against the Iraqi and Arab peoples; attempting to occupy Iraq during the war; interfering in the internal affairs of the Caucasus republics and implementing the policy of inciting the interference of the imperialist troops in the region; provoking animosities in the Balkans and insisting on Nato's occupation of the region; dangerously escalating tension with the neighbouring countries such as Greece, Syria and Iran; making special efforts to send troops to each region in crisis and to provide military bases to the Western imperialists...

This policy directly concerns the daily life and interests of the Turkish and Kurdish workers and labourers while it can pull the country and people into the catastrophe of a war.

The Turkish and Kurdish workers and labourers should both be closely concerned with the foreign relations  of Turkey, especially the policies and attempts concerning the Balkans, Middle-East and Caucasus, and make this a part of their daily struggle. It is clear that the aggressive attitude towards the neighbouring peoples and of the policy of interfering in conflicts with imperialist ambitions, finds its reflection in domestic policy in the deception of the workers and labouring masses and increasingly fierce oppression and tyranny. 

  

The working class and people of Turkey should not be indifferent to the foreign policy of the Turkish ruling classes. They want to create brotherhood with the neighbouring nations and the regional peoples and to defend their own national class interests. It is not possible for the workers to make any progress without carrying out a struggle on the political front. One aspect of the struggle on the political platform is to deal with the foreign relations and the problems of foreign policy, while the other is to deal with internal ones.

It should be kept in mind that one of the shortcomings of the workers' movement of Turkey is its indifference to Turkey's foreign policy and international relations.

As long as it goes on like this, it is not possible to hinder the ruling classes in pulling some sections of the labouring classes into their sides by spreading illusions towards external affairs, as was the case in the last few years.

Devrimin Sesi, that gives great importance to such shortcomings of the workers' movement, has found it necessary to review Turkey's foreign policy and relations concerning the regions indicated, and to re-treat the demands that can be put forward in this article.

• MAY-DAY DEMONSTRATIONS WHERE THE FLAG OF STRUGGLE IS RAISED

The May-day was celebrated in Turkey in line with its revolutionary heritage. In spite of the attempts of all forces of the system to block it, broad masses of workers and labourers cried out their anger and demands and raised the flags of struggle and resistance.

On May-day, mainly in Istanbul and many towns such as Izmir , Ankara, Bursa, Izmit, Kayseri, Divrigi, etc. tens of thousands of workers, labourers and youngsters flowed into the streets and into squares.

The May-day of 1994 constituted the most massive demonstration of that have taken since the period of defeat that followed the 12 September 1980 military fascist coup. The participation in the demonstrations was 100.000 in Istanbul and 30.000 in Izmir while it was about 200.000 nationally.

The workers were the main participants. When compared with the previous years it was noticeable that the proportion of the ordinary workers had increased in eelation to those who were advanced and had class consciousness. In many towns, the number of the workers who took part in demonstrations had grown 2-3 fold, while participation was more organised.

In the same way it was observed that the participation of the worker and student youth in May-day demonstrations considerably increased this year. About 3000 youngsters marched in the cortege of the young communists from the youth organisation of the TDKP, in Istanbul alone. This May-day pointed to the fact that the youth movement as well as workers movement was on the rise. It also indicated  a significant leap in the movement of workers and labouring masses not only in terms of the massive participation but also of the demands and slogans that marked the demonstrations.

The efforts of the trade-union bureaucrats and of all reformist-liberal circles to transform May-day into a parade or an ordinary demonstration whose demands were narrowed as much as possible and revolutionary content was destroyed was proved to be futile. May-day was celebrated in the streets in opposition to the present  economic and political offensives, the government of IMF and capital and fascism. The claims for jobs, bread and liberty and the slogan "general strike- general resistance" were cried out strongly. The slogans of revolution and socialism were raised. In other words, this May-day was not marked by the trade union bureaucrats or reformist liberal circles but essentially by the platform of the TDKP and the demands it put forward. What proved this was the fact that especially in the corteges of trade-unions, the workers chanted the slogans and demands ("job-bread-liberty", "general strike-general resistance", etc.) put forward by the TDKP and generally carried these slogans on their banners.

May-day celebrations despite reactionary barriers 

As was the case in the previous years, May-day celebrations were again banned in Adana, Eskisehir and many other towns as well as Kurdistan. An intense fascist terror had been implemented many days before May-day. "Detentions" had become widespread. "The tightest security measures" had been taken to hinder the preparations for May-day celebrations. The trade-union bureaucrats, especially the confederation centres, however, had the main role in the dictatorship's efforts to block any celebrations as much as possible or to transform them into "harmless rites". 

  

As to other petit-bourgeois "left" groups and circles who are distant from the movement of workers and labouring masses, May-day demonstrations meant nothing more for them than a platform on which they tried -irrespective of their claims- "to prove that they existed" or supposedly "showed off their strength". The May-day demonstrations in Ankara, Istanbul, Izmir, etc. have proved again how these groups and circles have been isolated from the movement of workers and labouring masses.

The TDKP has completely differed from the bourgeois, petit-bourgeois "left" and "socialist" groups and circles in its approach to May-day, its activities in the lead up to the day and its role and influence in the May-day demonstrations themselves. The determining factor in putting the debates about May-day celebrations on the agenda of the workers and trade-unions was the TDKP's and its party forces' activities. Despite all the adverse efforts, the TDKP along with the advanced elements of the working class, struggling trade-unionists and individual union branches succeeded in expanding the May-day demonstrations and celebrating it as a day on which struggle and resistance were raised nationally.

This year's May-day in Turkey coincided with a period in which the collaborator ruling classes and the dictatorship have launched a new wave of offensives, but at the same time the workers' movement has resumed its rise following a relatively stagnant period. All the signs of a strong movement have started to be seen again. The question before May-day was this: Would May-day constitute a significant step forward in uniting and developing the workers' movement and in moving towards a united struggle and resistance? Would it gain such a meaning?

It is obvious that when May-day is evaluated the fact that the workers' movement has just started to move out of a period of stagnation should be taken into account beside other things.

May-day could have been celebrated more widespread and more massively than it was. What makes the TDKP think this is that especially following the announcement of the decree of offensive of "5 April", all workers and labouring masses got angry. This anger flew onto the streets in Zonguldak, where the pits are; Karabuk, where iron and steel are produced ; Petlas, where rubber is produced and many other places. It is obvious that the failure to build May-day more successfully can not be explained only by the barricades of the trade-union bureaucrats, nor by he terror of the dictatorship. The fact that the class conscious advanced workers and the trade-unionists who defend the interests of the working class have not yet overcome their hesitations and timidity in taking the initiative and the responsibility of pushing the movement and struggle forward has played an important role in this failure.

Despite everything, this year's May-day demonstrations have constituted a leap in terms of the workers' movement. It has put forward -even though not from all directions- the anger and the orientation towards struggle in the ranks of the working class as well as the expansion of the interest in political action. It has clarified that the rise of the movement is not temporary and that the possibilities to organise a united struggle are growing. It has also proved that larger sections of the workers are increasingly gathering around their own class party and slogans. Also, it shows that the political influence of the TDKP has expanded and it has taken a more advanced position in the working class movement.

The workers' movement has at the same time gained morale and forward momentum from this May-day. This year's May-day has again proved that the only class that can lead a united and organised resistance against the offensives of the bourgeoisie and the dictatorship is the working class and that it is developing in doing this -even though it has some shortcomings. 

  

The increasing influence of the TDKP on the workers' movement -which reflected itself through the dominance of TDKP's slogans in all May-day demonstrations without exception- does not decrease, but increase the responsibility and the tasks of all its organisations, militants and young communists. The orientation of the workers, mainly the advanced workers, towards socialism and the TDKP that is seen by them as the representative of socialism requires more talent, proficiency, an unlimited determination and sacrifice in all areas of the struggle.