Letter from A. Lunacharsky to V. Lenin. 1920
Dear Vladimir Ilyich:
I apologize for having to bring to your attention what are in essence details, but I know that you can wonderfully understand that these details do demand some attention.
As you remember, by your own orders, I rejected O.D. Kameneva as the director of the Art Subdepartment of the Moscow Soviet.
Several days after this, C. Krestinsky told me that the matter of Kameneva leaving was settled, although she protested, but nevertheless, asked to stay on for a short time longer. I agreed to this.
It turned out that this short time turned into an undefined length of time for Kameneva to stay on her post. For a short time, she behaved herself more or less well and I did not feel it necessary to start unneeded squabbles. But now things have turned to such a degree that I am again in need of your advice.
Several conflicts have started with the Soviet, more specifically, Kameneva, in which you will have no dif- ficulty seeing that I am right.
According to the first decision of the Moscow Sovi- et to have control over, as decided by the 7th Con- gress, all of the theaters, with the exception of those that have social and state significance. I agreed to this, and without any conflict we picked out the Belch,
Maly and Pokazatelny theaters for the state. There was a conflict over three other theaters: Khudozhestvenny, Kamerny and the Children’s theater.
Considering the Khudozhestvenny Theater as a local Moscow theater is, of course, absurd and I have not met one person other than Olga Davidovna, her husband and a few members of the Presidium, who would go with this absurdity. Aside from that, the Khudozhestvenny Theater, starting with Stanislavsky and ending with their youngest actor, has submitted to me a petition in which they beg me to make it a state theater and not put it under the jurisdiction of the Moscow Sovi- et (because of O.D.).
The Kamerny Theater is the only theater going in a new direction that has already proven itself. One can see its work differently, but there is no doubt that it is the only work of its kind in Russia. Also, the Kamerny Theater has submitted the same kind of peti- tion and its director, Tairov, directly states that knowing the intentions of Olga Davidovna towards that theater, he will have to, from the minute it is under the control of the Moscow Soviet, liquidate the whole deal and go wherever his eyes fall upon. Finally, the Children’s Theater on Mamonovsky periulok is organized by the narkompros, because we need to have at least one theater in Russia where we can show how shows for children and teenagers need to be done.
The Moscow Soviet has announced a protest against all of this.
Further, in Moscow there exists an art-educational council of workers organizations. It had several the- aters and a substantial amount of theatrical supplies. Eventually this council fell apart and the moment came when it had no more theaters and controlled some the- atrical supplies which it would rent out etc. The Cen- tral Theater which is, by decree of the Sovnarkom, actually in charge of all nationalized theatrical prop- erty, appointed a special commission to gather all of the property of this practically liquidated council into one place, check it over carefully, not prede- termining to whom it will go.
Essentially, we intended to transfer it to the Moscow Soviet, but the Moscow Soviet in the most illegal way disregarded the means of control of Central Theater, placed a ban on this property, although by law we can control any property that belongs to the Moscow Soviet due to our higher supervisory status.
Finally as the narkompros, so did the Komgossor slow- ly move to do the long overdue, necessary repairs to the Maly Theater.
The means for this have been worked out and every- thing is ready to start the repairs. This will take some time, the early part of the fall, for that time the State Theater owns a building called the Nezlobin- sky Theater. It was built to be used as a school for the state Maly Theater.
So I have applied to the Soviet a request that I think it is necessary to leave this theater as a state theater, even more since this holding will allow us to start next year’s season of the Maly Theater on time, moving the shows to the Nezlobinsky Theater.
After this explanation, I ask of you, Vladimir Ilyich, to include the attached with seven copies into the minutes for the Presidium meeting.
I ask you to pay attention to the very tone that the Presidium uses to speak to the narkom, to the scan- dalous interference, which can be seen in the third point of activities between these two departments. Tak- ing this matter to the VTsIK has all sorts of dangers involved. The Presidium of the VTsIK, as every Soviet worker knows, meets in groups of 3–4 people. Kamenev himself participates in the Presidium. To find two com- rades, place an item on the agenda more or less unex- pectedly, to devote five minutes to review and make the decision he wants, costs next to nothing.
In any other way the Soviet would fail as it did already on 5 or 6 other problems that it tried to cre- ate for me. Meanwhile, the Constitution gives me no guarantee that in this situation the same thing will happen.
Vladimir Ilyich, you know that I am not prone to worry and am rather calm about unpleasantries, but to think that in our Soviet Russia, we may have to give up such theaters against the will of people like Stanislavsky and others to the games of an hysterical woman because she is the wife of the head of the Sovi- et, this is far too insulting. I categorically announce that if this kind of scenario with the VTsIK takes place with me, I will raise the most extreme protest with the Central Committee of the Party.
I would think that this could be avoided in a way that was recommended to me by c. Serebryakov (I must say that all of the comrades who I have spoken with: Serebryakov, Krestinsky, Galkin, are all in agreement with me), to bring this matter to the Little Sovnarkom. I have often had disagreements with the Little Sov- narkom, but I have had to work with them often on vital matters and could not dispute that it brings maximum objectivity and careful work into every matter.
If Kamenev will insist on the Constitution being car- ried out to the letter, I will personally ask you, Vladimir Ilyich, to arrange a meeting of this Presid- ium with as complete attendance as possible and to bring to it some objectivity.
Really, this is all a war that raises the Moscow Soviet against the narkompros every day, for any or no reason, with deep unwillingness on our part as well as all of the genuine workers of the Soviet; there is a repulsive and ridiculous thing, at which all Moscow inhabitants laugh and I would think that it would be in the parties interest to end it once and for all.
Shaking your hand
A. Lunacharsky 29/1/`20
[Reserve 5, list 1, case 1171, sheet 21, 21 back, 22, 22 back. The original was typed with Lunacharsky’s signature by hand. After the signature is the stamp of the narkompros.]
Krestinsky, Nikolai (1883–1938)—member of the RSDRP from 1905. In 1917, was the head of the Yekaterinburg and Ural Committees of the RSDRP. From 1918–1921 was the narkom of finance of the RSFSR, secretary of the Central Committee of the Party, representative of the RSFSR in Germany, and head of the narkom of foreign affairs. Spoke out against the conclusions of the Brest Con- ference. In 1937, was discharged from the party and executed.
I apologize for having to bring to your attention what are in essence details, but I know that you can wonderfully understand that these details do demand some attention.
As you remember, by your own orders, I rejected O.D. Kameneva as the director of the Art Subdepartment of the Moscow Soviet.
Several days after this, C. Krestinsky told me that the matter of Kameneva leaving was settled, although she protested, but nevertheless, asked to stay on for a short time longer. I agreed to this.
It turned out that this short time turned into an undefined length of time for Kameneva to stay on her post. For a short time, she behaved herself more or less well and I did not feel it necessary to start unneeded squabbles. But now things have turned to such a degree that I am again in need of your advice.
Several conflicts have started with the Soviet, more specifically, Kameneva, in which you will have no dif- ficulty seeing that I am right.
According to the first decision of the Moscow Sovi- et to have control over, as decided by the 7th Con- gress, all of the theaters, with the exception of those that have social and state significance. I agreed to this, and without any conflict we picked out the Belch,
Maly and Pokazatelny theaters for the state. There was a conflict over three other theaters: Khudozhestvenny, Kamerny and the Children’s theater.
Considering the Khudozhestvenny Theater as a local Moscow theater is, of course, absurd and I have not met one person other than Olga Davidovna, her husband and a few members of the Presidium, who would go with this absurdity. Aside from that, the Khudozhestvenny Theater, starting with Stanislavsky and ending with their youngest actor, has submitted to me a petition in which they beg me to make it a state theater and not put it under the jurisdiction of the Moscow Sovi- et (because of O.D.).
The Kamerny Theater is the only theater going in a new direction that has already proven itself. One can see its work differently, but there is no doubt that it is the only work of its kind in Russia. Also, the Kamerny Theater has submitted the same kind of peti- tion and its director, Tairov, directly states that knowing the intentions of Olga Davidovna towards that theater, he will have to, from the minute it is under the control of the Moscow Soviet, liquidate the whole deal and go wherever his eyes fall upon. Finally, the Children’s Theater on Mamonovsky periulok is organized by the narkompros, because we need to have at least one theater in Russia where we can show how shows for children and teenagers need to be done.
The Moscow Soviet has announced a protest against all of this.
Further, in Moscow there exists an art-educational council of workers organizations. It had several the- aters and a substantial amount of theatrical supplies. Eventually this council fell apart and the moment came when it had no more theaters and controlled some the- atrical supplies which it would rent out etc. The Cen- tral Theater which is, by decree of the Sovnarkom, actually in charge of all nationalized theatrical prop- erty, appointed a special commission to gather all of the property of this practically liquidated council into one place, check it over carefully, not prede- termining to whom it will go.
Essentially, we intended to transfer it to the Moscow Soviet, but the Moscow Soviet in the most illegal way disregarded the means of control of Central Theater, placed a ban on this property, although by law we can control any property that belongs to the Moscow Soviet due to our higher supervisory status.
Finally as the narkompros, so did the Komgossor slow- ly move to do the long overdue, necessary repairs to the Maly Theater.
The means for this have been worked out and every- thing is ready to start the repairs. This will take some time, the early part of the fall, for that time the State Theater owns a building called the Nezlobin- sky Theater. It was built to be used as a school for the state Maly Theater.
So I have applied to the Soviet a request that I think it is necessary to leave this theater as a state theater, even more since this holding will allow us to start next year’s season of the Maly Theater on time, moving the shows to the Nezlobinsky Theater.
After this explanation, I ask of you, Vladimir Ilyich, to include the attached with seven copies into the minutes for the Presidium meeting.
I ask you to pay attention to the very tone that the Presidium uses to speak to the narkom, to the scan- dalous interference, which can be seen in the third point of activities between these two departments. Tak- ing this matter to the VTsIK has all sorts of dangers involved. The Presidium of the VTsIK, as every Soviet worker knows, meets in groups of 3–4 people. Kamenev himself participates in the Presidium. To find two com- rades, place an item on the agenda more or less unex- pectedly, to devote five minutes to review and make the decision he wants, costs next to nothing.
In any other way the Soviet would fail as it did already on 5 or 6 other problems that it tried to cre- ate for me. Meanwhile, the Constitution gives me no guarantee that in this situation the same thing will happen.
Vladimir Ilyich, you know that I am not prone to worry and am rather calm about unpleasantries, but to think that in our Soviet Russia, we may have to give up such theaters against the will of people like Stanislavsky and others to the games of an hysterical woman because she is the wife of the head of the Sovi- et, this is far too insulting. I categorically announce that if this kind of scenario with the VTsIK takes place with me, I will raise the most extreme protest with the Central Committee of the Party.
I would think that this could be avoided in a way that was recommended to me by c. Serebryakov (I must say that all of the comrades who I have spoken with: Serebryakov, Krestinsky, Galkin, are all in agreement with me), to bring this matter to the Little Sovnarkom. I have often had disagreements with the Little Sov- narkom, but I have had to work with them often on vital matters and could not dispute that it brings maximum objectivity and careful work into every matter.
If Kamenev will insist on the Constitution being car- ried out to the letter, I will personally ask you, Vladimir Ilyich, to arrange a meeting of this Presid- ium with as complete attendance as possible and to bring to it some objectivity.
Really, this is all a war that raises the Moscow Soviet against the narkompros every day, for any or no reason, with deep unwillingness on our part as well as all of the genuine workers of the Soviet; there is a repulsive and ridiculous thing, at which all Moscow inhabitants laugh and I would think that it would be in the parties interest to end it once and for all.
Shaking your hand
A. Lunacharsky 29/1/`20
[Reserve 5, list 1, case 1171, sheet 21, 21 back, 22, 22 back. The original was typed with Lunacharsky’s signature by hand. After the signature is the stamp of the narkompros.]
Krestinsky, Nikolai (1883–1938)—member of the RSDRP from 1905. In 1917, was the head of the Yekaterinburg and Ural Committees of the RSDRP. From 1918–1921 was the narkom of finance of the RSFSR, secretary of the Central Committee of the Party, representative of the RSFSR in Germany, and head of the narkom of foreign affairs. Spoke out against the conclusions of the Brest Con- ference. In 1937, was discharged from the party and executed.
Kameneva, Olga—member of the Moscow Soviet, wife of Lev Kamenev, who, in one of his many posts, was the director of the Moscow Sovi- et. She was sister of Leon Trotsky. In 1935, was arrested and in 1941, executed “as enemies of the people.”
Moscow Soviet—the council of the working deputies of Moscow, organized in March 1917. From September 1917, the Bolsheviks held the majority in the Soviet. The soviet system was secured in the Constitution of the RSFSR, 1918.
Central Theater (Tsentroteatr)—the governing body of state theaters from August 1919 to November 1920, affiliated with the narkompros. In November 1920, was recognized as a division of narkompros. Komgossor—possibly, more correctly, the Komgossoor, the Committee of State Construction. The chairman was A. Sapronov and the deputy G. Tsyurupa.
Stanislavsky, Konstantin (Alexeev) (1863–1938)—director, actor, and theater theorist. Creator of the “Stanislavsky System.” In 1898, along with Vladimir Nemirovich, founded the Moscow Khudozhestvenny Theater.
Tairov, Alexander (1885–1950)—director, actor, founder of the Kamerny Theater in 1914.
Sere- bryakov, Leonid (1890–1937)—member of Communist Party since 1905, par- ticipant in the revolutions in 1905, February 1917, and October 1917. Later was in the army, on the southern front. After Civil War, was a party officer. Was executed .
Central Theater (Tsentroteatr)—the governing body of state theaters from August 1919 to November 1920, affiliated with the narkompros. In November 1920, was recognized as a division of narkompros. Komgossor—possibly, more correctly, the Komgossoor, the Committee of State Construction. The chairman was A. Sapronov and the deputy G. Tsyurupa.
Stanislavsky, Konstantin (Alexeev) (1863–1938)—director, actor, and theater theorist. Creator of the “Stanislavsky System.” In 1898, along with Vladimir Nemirovich, founded the Moscow Khudozhestvenny Theater.
Tairov, Alexander (1885–1950)—director, actor, founder of the Kamerny Theater in 1914.
Sere- bryakov, Leonid (1890–1937)—member of Communist Party since 1905, par- ticipant in the revolutions in 1905, February 1917, and October 1917. Later was in the army, on the southern front. After Civil War, was a party officer. Was executed .
Nezlobinsky Theater—Russian Theater of Drama in 1909–1917; was founded by Russian actor and theater director Kon- stantin Nezlobin. In 1917, was reorganized as an “actor’s fraternity.” In 1920, closed.
Maly Sovnarkom—included, as a rule, deputies of narkoms and impor tant government workers, dealt with secondary and minor matters as compared to the Sovnarkom, also prepared drafts and materials for the Sovnarkom.
Maly Sovnarkom—included, as a rule, deputies of narkoms and impor tant government workers, dealt with secondary and minor matters as compared to the Sovnarkom, also prepared drafts and materials for the Sovnarkom.