TDKP History - TDKP - İÖ

The reconstruction of the organisation and the decision to establish the party

The formation of the Provisional Central Committee and the publication of Yoldas, on the one hand meant the reconstruction of the organisation, uniting with the mass movement on a new foundation, and on the other hand meant a deeper self-criticism undertaking the ideological, political and organisational tasks for the establishment of a revolutionary communist party of the working class. In the second and the third issues of Yoldas the demarcation line between on the one hand modern revisionist Soviet social imperialism, Trotskyism and new Trotskyism, and on the other hand working class (scientific socialist) Marxist-Leninist ideologies was clearly emphasised. Moreover, our organisation has never been a discussion club discussing various 'ideologies'. In the same issues, the importance of joining the mass movement and organising the workers and working people was constantly emphasised. Eventually, in February 1976 we witnessed the publication of a mass organ, Halkin Kurtulusu (Emancipation of People) as an instrument of enlightening and organising the masses. This was an indication of our organisation's dedication to the workers' movement and a complementary part of the steps towards forming the party.

A new awakening and rise in the workers', working people's and youth movement created the opportunity to eliminate the destructive influence on our organisations' understanding and activities caused by their history and the elitist "socialism" and "revolutionarism" which had been dominant both in our country and in the world for a long time. This so-called "socialism" was isolated from the working class. However, neither the theoretical and political development of our organisation, nor the organisational transformation and reconstruction process has been a straight, unproblematic route. There was wavering in theoretical and political theses as well as periods of weakness in practice in the activities within the class. What caused this weakening was the low level of comprehension of Marxism- Leninism, as well as the resistance by some bourgeois elements, who were later to be excluded, and the \lquote outside the class'tradition which was dominant on the "left". 

In the articles with regard to the theses on theoretical and political construction (second issue of Yoldas) the Maoist "Three World" theory was adopted and it was established that the revisionist line of Mao "was a Marxist line". (As it was adopted universally then, Mao was never discussed). The fourth issue of Yoldas"completed" this discussion and the revisionist theory of "rising fascism" became "an element" of our line. In our organisation's development process, the wavering towards the right which began with the adoption of the "Three World" theory encouraged the involvement in our ranks of a group outside the THKO. This group became one part of a right wing opposition and a covert fraction. It is for this reason that while our organisation orientated towards the working class as a whole, a harsh fight began in its ranks in late 1976 and early 77. It was inevitable that this was going to take us to one of the most significant turning points in our history.

That is precisely what happened. It was natural that this turning point should be overcome with the liquidation of this fraction. This was because our organisation was determined to develop its links with the working class and to ensure that the class acts as a class with its vanguard party. No power would deter it from mastering scientific socialist theory and from using it as a guide to action. In spite of the fact that our organisation had adopted Mao, the Maoist "Three World" theory, and the revisionist theory of "rising fascism", it had never accepted in reality the practical, political and organisational results of these theories and theses. A proof of this is the polemic carried out (on the struggle against imperialism and internal reactionary forces and the question of alliances) against the Maoists and semi-Maoists in the fourth issue of Yoldas. In this issue where the theory of "rising fascism" was declared, we could also see another article which dealt with the alliance policy in a revolutionary way, defending a revolutionary position by arguing that "in the fight against a reactionary current we cannot depend on another reactionary force". Although the lines and views put forward in this article were limited in their capacity, it has constituted one of the bases of the revolutionary line of our organisation. 

On the one side, we could see the influence of the right-wing increasing to the extent that could cause wavering in our line; and on the other, the cost to our party of the set-back of the youth movement which had been previously defeated by the attacks of the fascists. (At the time, our organisation was the strongest organisation in the universities and among the youth organisations). Therefore, the weakening of the positions of our organisation among the working class and the youth was inevitable. The right-wing wavering was manifesting itself in practice with a stronger sectarianism towards the masses; the positions of our organisation among the working class and the youth were weakening. The developments undergone justified the criticisms and opposition of a group of comrades (who were in prison) who defended Marxist-Leninist ideology and who had opposed from the beginning the right-wing ideological and political theses.

A short while after the appearance of stagnation in the organisation and retrogress in its positions, the Provisional CC underwent a self-criticism process and it adopted as its own the theses of those comrades opposing the right-wing tendency. It was clear that the adoption of these theses and ideas was inevitable. With the organisation's conduct and direction becoming ever clearer, the group organised as a covert fraction in our ranks felt obliged -despite their defence of the theory of "rising fascism"- to emerge with a "leftist" position with \softpage overtly destructive results. This fraction was thrown out of the organisation, thus allowing the organisation a greater opportunity to unite with the working class and master Marxism-Leninism from a proletarian position.

The liquidation of this fraction and our movement's renewal of its position in a revolutionary way created a certain mobilisation in our organisation. The 6th and 7th issues of the journal Yoldas criticised the "Three World" and "rising fascism" theories, and fiercely attacked the "eclecticism" in our political line. This was not all: a new theoretical journal began to come out, and a political platform was publicised. Yoldas and Parti Bayragi (Party Flag) printed a series of articles on the questions of revolution. While Yoldas undertook the fight against the weaknesses of our organisational work, the Parti Bayragi carried out significant polemics, criticising the 50-year-old revisionist current, Maoism, "middle-path" currents, and adventurism, including our own past. In a short period the demarcation line between our organisation and those of other "socialist" currents and groups became more evident.

The progress in our organisation was not only based on publishing theoretical and political theses, or on attempts at preparing the foundations of a programme. Our organisation also aimed to reorganise itself as a clandestine revolutionary organisation able to utilise legal opportunities as well, an organisation which unites all existing illegal workers' organisations. In other words, its aim was to form a revolutionary communist workers' party which would unite socialism and the workers' movement.

On the organisational front, there were some steps taken towards the construction of a style of work based on the formation of an organisational line and on the improvement of daily work. This was also based on the criticism of the line and activities of the past. In the publications of this period what was highlighted were: the Leninist understanding of the party, the tasks stemming from being based on the working class, and the work that could lead to the reconstruction of the organisation through improving the daily work within the working class and working masses. To the extent that the theoretical and organisational struggle developed, and the organisation's participation in the daily movement improved, increasing courage and initiative was witnessed in the organisational life and daily work of our organisation. 

Under these conditions, our organisation held a meeting with its militants in late 1977. With this meeting it renewed the unity in its ranks and began the preparatory work for a Conference. 

The THKO Conference gathered in October 1978. It approved the Provisional CC's self-criticism of right wing wavering, as well as the published and discussed theses. It also discussed and approved the Provisional CC's report on the plan for establishing the organisation within the working class and working people, and on this basis the criticism of the past activities and organisation. With the idea that the People's Liberation Army of Turkey (THKO) title did not accord with communist qualities and aims, and that the establishment of the revolutionary party of the working class was near, the Conference changed the name of the organisation to that of Revolutionary Communist Party of Turkey- Construction Organisation (TDKP-IO).

This Conference, the first and only one of the THKO, was one of the most important events of our organisational life. In fact, this Conference marked a significant turning point in the formation of our party after the Provisional CC's establishment and its process of self-criticism.

Obviously this development from the THKO of 1970-71 to the TDKP-IO of 1978 was not easy. However, in order for the working class to have a party, despite important errors and deficiencies, the necessary theoretical, political and organisational principals were partially established. Our organisation came to this stage by following a line based on participation in mass struggle; using its energy to enlighten the working class and develop the workers' consciousness and action; and at the same time, concentrating all its work on the political, theoretical and organisational tasks of forming the revolutionary party of the working class.

A vanguard working class party is one which organises and leads the working class and the people -of which it is a part and to which it is strongly tied- in the struggle for socialism. No matter what kinds of mistakes our organisation and its then leaders and members made, it was this fundamental and immediate task to which they dedicated themselves without any diversion or hesitation.

"The fact that our organisation designated building a proletarian party as the most immediate task of the proletariat was the most significant step in its history in understanding Marxism-Leninism and the essence of proletarian revolution. This has been one of the stepping stones in our organisations' progress in the path of Marxism-Leninism and in the foundation and development of the TDKP." (1990, General Conference Documents) Now it may seem 'very simple'. However, under the conditions from which we emerged, a determined devotion to the working class and a revolutionary far-sightedness was needed in order to consider the foundation of an independent working class party as a principal and urgent task, and to continue with this path despite all internal and external attacks and oppression. The Conference was quite right to explain the transformation of the THKO into the TDKP in the above words.