Comments on the Polemic Between Proletarian Path and Revolutionary Democracy on the Stage of the Indian Revolution
Hari Kumar
Source: 'Revolutionary Democracy
Today India is comparable to Italy in 1894, upon which Engels wrote to Filipo Turati. Marx described an 'incompleteness' of the bourgeois revolution. Engels applied this to Italy, where the bourgeoisie in power could not fulfill their revolution and faltered. Says Engels:
'In Italy.. The
bourgeoisie.. after the national emancipation has neither been able nor willing
to compete its victory. It has not destroyed the remnants of feudalism nor has
it reorganised national production on the modern bourgeois pattern. Working
people – peasants and workers – find themselves crushed on the one hand by
antiquated abuses.. of feudal times and even by.. abuses inherited.. from
antiquity (share farming, Latifundia in the South..); on the other hand by the
most voracious taxation.. invented by the bourgeois system. It is a case where
one may well say with Marx: 'We.. suffer not only from the development of
capitalist production, but also from the incompleteness of that development'.
The situation is bound to lead to a crisis. Evidently the Socialist Party, is
too young, and too weak to be able to hope for an immediate victory of
socialism'.1
The situation of India now is akin to this Italian picture painted by Engels at the turn of the century.
Revolutionary Democracy points
out that India's colonial relationship with world capitalism, is 'intact' after
1947 with a 'deepening dependency on international capitalism'. Imperialism
ensured 'pronounced survivals of tribe, caste, and feudalism' Revolutionary
Democracy holds, that without heavy industry - any degree of capitalist
industrialisation, leaves India still colonial/semi-colonial. So a democratic
first stage of revolution is essential. The 6th Congress of Comintern was
correct says Revolutionary Democracy, and M.N. Roy saw 'decolonization'
imperialism 'divesting' its own colonies. Revolutionary Democracy concludes:
the current stage is bourgeois democratic. Alliance agrees on the need for a
first democratic stage; and that India is still dependent upon imperialism. We
emphasise the need to take the peasantry towards the socialist revolution; and
the unsolved National Question. But, Alliance disagrees with core analyses.
Alliance does not agree that: the path from 1947 to today was steadily
'intact'; nor upon the correctness of the Sixth Comintern Congress; nor on the
proposed primacy of heavy industry in determining the stage. For Revolutionary
Democracy, Stalin viewed this as a defining part of colonial relations. We
disagree. We also disagree, on the extent of heavy industry in India.
Revolutionary Democracy's insistence on the primacy of heavy industry, contains
the germ of an 'indefinite postponement' of the revolution tending to
'tail-ism' behind other classes. There is a tendency of Revolutionary Democracy
to take the first 'Right deviation' noted by Stalin:
'An
under-estimation of the revolutionary potentialities of the liberation
movement... That is a deviation to the Right.. (with) danger of the
revolutionary movement becoming debased.. By nationalists.'2
Revolutionary Democracy
underestimates the degree of industrialisation and its prospects on the
proletariat; and underestimates the penetration of capital into the
countryside; and underestimates the 'discrediting' of Indian capitalists tied
to imperialism – the working class can possibly abbreviate (not miss) the first
stage.
For Proletarian Path the
'relations of production in industry and agriculture' and the industrial
changes post-1947 ensure that 'the medium level of capitalist development is
achieved by a 'series of quantitative changes bringing.. the overall
qualitative change'. Also the land reforms of post-independent India 'changed
production relations in agriculture'. The ruling classes completed the Prussian
development with 'ruination of peasant masses, pauperisation and creating a
group of rich peasants and well off middle peasantry'. Proletarian Path argue
that three basic features of capitalist agriculture hold: production of surplus
value and presence of wage labour; commodity production; conversion of
agricultural surplus value into capital. Finally the semi-feudal features in
Indian agriculture are all fundamentally related to 'poverty.. a precondition
and a result of Capitalism'3, 'We do not deny the existence of .. debt
bondage.. But the.. debt bondage cannot be.. described as semi-feudal'.4
Proletarian Path also holds the 6th Comintern Congress as correct. In summary
Proletarian Path believes: that the stage is the socialist stage.
We disagree with the conclusion
of Proletarian Path but agree 'there has been a significant series of change
since 1947'. But if Lenin's view of the features of democratic stage of
revolution hold, then we cannot be at the socialist stage. Lenin took as a
determining feature, whether or not one could take the peasantry through as a
whole:
'Our revolution
is a bourgeois revolution as long as we march with the peasants as a whole...
First...the 'whole' of the peasants.. against medievalism.. Then with the poor
peasants.. and all exploited, against capitalism.. revolution becomes a
socialist one..'5
If Proletarian Path says: 'We do
not deny.. debt bondage among agricultural workers'6 or 'considerable incidence
of share-cropping'7, then there are tasks left. Engels advised Turati in 1894
Italy a 'restepping' of stages: 'The Socialist Party is too young.. Too weak..
for an immediate victory of socialism.'8 The applies to the weak Indian
Marxist-Leninist movement now. Significant feudal remnants are left. Democratic
slogans will mobilise more peasantry. If the proletariat leads, a short
transition between the stages results. Proletarian Path risks 'skipping' even a
short interim stage – it risks taking the second deviation noted by Stalin:
'The second
deviation lies in an over-estimation of the revolutionary potentialities of the
liberation movements and in an under-estimation of the liberation movement and
in an under-estimation of.. an alliance between the working class and the
revolutionary bourgeoisie against imperialism.. a deviation to the left..
fraught with the danger of the Communist Party becoming divorced from the
masses converted into a sect..'9
Alliance agrees on the importance
of heavy industry (See previous Alliances.10, 11, 12 But the relevance of heavy
industry to this discussion as argued is strained. Demarcating features of
colonial development, from Lenin and Stalin, do not invoke heavy industry. The
reader will ask: 'What about this quote from Stalin then, that Revolutionary
Democracy reminds us of?' Stalin seems to see India in relation to heavy
industry:13
'India as everyone knows, is a
colony. Has India an industry? It undoubtedly has. Is it developing? Yes it is.
But the kind of industry developing there is not one which produces instruments
and means of production.'14
But Stalin in talking well after the
1917 proletarian revolution in 1926 of how to direct resources in the USSR. For
socialist development Stalin plumps for heavy industry to 'Ensure the economic
independence of our country'15 Stalin discusses methods the USSR might use to
achieve heavy industrialisation. Stalin rules out plunder of colonies (the
British way); he rules out the German path (indemnities from war); and he rules
out the old Russian method (bondage and semi-colonial status). That left only
one way:
'To find funds
for industry out of our own savings, the way of socialist accumulation.'16
Is 'soviet accumulation'- the
only acceptable way for communists to achieve the creation of a heavy
industrial base? If so, it means that the goal of achieving adequate heavy
industry is never realisable, by a semi-dependent country until after the socialist
revolution. If so, by Revolutionary Democracy's definition - irrespective of
other considerations, the democratic stage always will be unfinished in
colonies before proletarian dictatorship. This logic ofRevolutionary Democracy,
leads to never launching the socialist revolution because a heavy industrial
base would most likely never be finished under imperialism. Revolutionary
Democracy believes that the stage of revolution is only decided within the
framed question of: 'Have the tasks of the national democratic revolution been
fully completed or not?' We are in a further dilemma. Let us ask Revolutionary
Democracy: What national democratic revolution other than the Bolshevik
revolution ever completed its democratic tasks? For Lenin, only the socialist revolution
completed the 'democratic' tasks:
'The
bourgeois-democratic revolution is always completed only by the 'revolutionary
democratic dictatorship of the proletariat and peasantry?'17 'We solved the
problems of the bourgeois-democratic revolution in passing as a 'by-product' of
the main and real proletarian-revolutionary socialist work'.18
Does Revolutionary Democracy
justify this elevation of the heavy industrial base to a defining principle of
the stages of revolution, upon one quote from Stalin, spoken about USSR
socialist industrialisation? Can only socialist accumulation create a heavy
industrial base? If so, does this not introduce an academic closed-loop
'circularity', a self-fulfilling prophecy – a paralysis? We cannot embark upon
the socialist stage without heavy industry, yet under imperialism, this heavy
industry cannot develop.
Stalin refers elsewhere to India,
and differentiated colonial and semi-colonial countries in 1925, into 'three
categories of colonial and dependent countries', based upon the numbers of
proletariat. Stalin does not mention heavy industry or light industry or light
industry only how much industry there is:
'Firstly..
Morocco.. has little or no proletariat, and are industrially quite undeveloped.
Secondly countries like China and Egypt which have under-developed industries
and have a relatively small proletariat. Thirdly countries like India..
capitalistically more or less developed and have a more or less numerous
national proletariat.'19
In general terms, Stalin advised
communists in such colonial-type countries to 'line up with the revolutionary
elements or the bourgeoisie'.20
Stalin advises against a Leftist
deviation:
'The second
deviation lies.. in an underestimation of the.. alliance between the working
class (of a colonial type country) and the revolutionary bourgeoisie against
imperialism.. That is a deviation to the Left.' 21
We must then create a linkage
with a 'revolutionary bourgeoisie'. But does a revolutionary bourgeoisie exist
in India today? In the pan-Indian state we do not believe so. In this absence
the proletariat may seize leadership of the first stage, moving uninterruptedly
to the socialist stage. This does not inform Revolutionary Democracy's
presentation of the question. Stalin answered the question 'At what stage of
the revolution are we at?' - assessing which allies had deserted the
revolution? The strength of the proletariat un-nerved and dissuaded even the
revolutionary bourgeoisie:
'In India.. the
national bourgeoisie has split up into a revolutionary part and a compromising
part.. the compromising section of the bourgeoisie has.. struck a deal with
imperialism. Fearing revolution.. concerned more about its money bags.. this
section of the bourgeoisie is.. forming a bloc with imperialism against the
workers and peasants of its own country'.22
So in 1925, the 'moneybag'
section of the Indian bourgeoisie had already reneged. Stalin advised that the
tasks of the Indian proletariat were:
'The revolution cannot be
achieved unless.. fire must be concentrated on the compromising national
bourgeoisie.. In.. India it is a matter of preparing the proletariat (as)..
leader of the liberation movement.. The task is to create an anti-imperialist
bloc and to ensure the hegemony of the proletariat. This bloc can assume.. the
form of a single Workers' and Peasants' Party".23
The current stage is a democratic
stage, but this staging does not depend upon a lack of heavy industry. This
'primacy' of a heavy base is a mechanical interpretation, leading to Revolutionary
Democracy downplaying and potentially delaying the revolutionary potential.
Both Revolutionary Democracy and
Proletarian Path see 1947 as pivotal. Before World War I India was a source of
raw materials, a free tariff market for British manufactured goods, and
military support.24 But imperialism preferred the entry of money-capital
exports not goods into India. This required a local expenditure of imported
capital on Indian industry. Contradictions with British home industry grew. But
finance capital predominated,25 and the Indian Tariff was passed by the 'Fiscal
Autonomy Convention' of 1919. This spurred the use of Indian owned capital;26
by mid-1948, Indian houses held more than 85% of the equity in colonial
managing agencies.27 Vice-Roys Hardinge and Chelmsford, wanted industry in
India, to keep India self-sufficient in war.28, 29 Balances of Indian-British
trade swung with Indian import substitution, favouring India.30, 31 Tariffs
sheltered Indian industry,32 until British industrialists forced a rescindment
in 1932. Still, by 1939 interpenetration of British and Indian capital was
marked.33, 34 Indian capital moved from a mercantile phase to an industrial
phase. Sections, such as the Birlas, challenged British imperialism. The
British partition attempted to retain a hold on India.35
Revolutionary Democracy rejects
the relevance of post-1947 changes. Yes, India remains dependent and retarded.
But its bourgeoisie did try to overcome dependency by 'stealth', eschewing
revolution. Revolutionary Democracy agrees, money for some industry was
obtained, by squeezing the people.36 Revolutionary Democracy agrees, the
Nehru-led bourgeoisie planned an independent economy, a heavy industry, citing
the 1953 secret note of Nehru to Industry Minister T.T. Krishnachari.37 The
Bombay Plan, tried to 'plan' India, after the British 'transfer' G.D. Birla and
J.R.D. Tata, argued to restrict foreign technical dependency.38 Other
strategies of the Indian bourgeoisie were: pit imperialism against on another;
deficit financing; using the state sector to build capitalist industry; and
using selective heavy industry imports to acquire technology. The strategy
could not break imperialist grips. But they tried! Revolutionary Democracy is
'voluntarist' - as if Indian bourgeoisie did not try hard enough: 'Indian capitalists
did not follow up the possibilities offered for the production of the means of
production by the camp of neo-imperialism.'39 But the Indian bourgeoisie went
as for as they could. Lenin points out that in the 1917 Russian revolution the
bourgeoisie first got the chance to rule 'as a class'.40
But the Indian bourgeoisie have
ruled 'as a class' since 1947. In India now, only the proletariat can clear
away remaining tasks. Its first tasks will complete the incompleted democratic
tasks in a very short sweep. Revolutionary Democracy seems unclear on the
short-livedness of this phase for the late 20th century proletariat. The ever
narrower room for the world's national bourgeoisie to play progressive role in
national liberation. Imperialism is so much stronger now, that the
revolutionary bourgeoisie have less room to manoeuvre in, with less role on the
revolutionary stage.41
What did the Post-1947 period
achieve?
1. Over 1965-1985, Direct Foreign
Investment (DFI) was considerably less than previously.42
2. A fall in percent of overall
assets owned by State and private enterprises, in 1962-1982.43
3. A growth of Indian state owned
investments over 1951-80, versus private sector.44, 45
4. Government restrictions on the
inflow of foreign investment, so that they were allowed only to acquire
technology.46
All this suggests genuine
attempts to restrict foreign capital in India by the Indian National Congress
after 1947. Revolutionary Democracy cite figures from 1989. By 1989 a new
faction of the Indian bourgeoisie was in power. The fall of 'the Gandhis' led
to 'opening India's markets' - a victory of compradors. Debt as per cent of
GNP, over 1970-1986 was low for India: 1. 1%-1.6%. (China was 0.9 in 1986;
Algeria moved from 0.9 to 8.7; Argentina 5.0 to 6.8%, Brazil 0.9 to 4.1 etc).47
What industrial base is there
now? Revolutionary Democracy asserts that the industrial base of India is not
well developed. Marxist-Leninists must explain their statistics. Not all data
support Revolutionary Democracy. Proletarian Path cites other figures:
'48.7% of the
factory workers are concentrated in factories with over 500 workers.'48
Yet other sources conflict with
Revolutionary Democracy. Vanaik: over 1956-1976 capital goods rose from 4.71%
to 16.76% against consumer goods falling from 48.3% to 27.83%. Ahluwalia shows
a rapid growth rate in capital goods and basic goods until the 1960s when, true
– there was a fall compared to consumer goods.49, 50 Ahluwalia argues that the
'protected' environment against foreign competition, allowed industrialists to
rely on an increasingly old fashioned technology.51 Imperialism ensured poor
terms of trade, so India's share in world exports for both traditional colonial
stuffs (e.g. cotton textiles, foodstuffs) and manufactured goods fell. From
1965-1973, the compound growth rate for India's manufactured exports to the
world was only 8.6% per year; compared to Yugoslavia at 15.2% through
Singapore, Mexico, Argentina, Brazil, to Korea at 50.3%.52 To summarise: These
data conflict. But, heavy industry was not insignificant.
On the passage from feudalism to
capitalism in agriculture since Proletarian Path cites Lenin, we question the
reluctance of Proletarian Path to accept Lenin's conclusions, for a Russia
pre-1917, and its implications. Passage from feudalism to capitalism in
agriculture, is an 'either-or' dichotomy: 'Either the old landlord economy,
bound.. to serfdom is retained and turns slowly into purely capitalist 'Junker'
economy. The basis of the final transition from labour-service to capitalism is
the internal metamorphosis of the feudalist landlord economy. The entire
agrarian system becomes capitalist and for a long time retains feudalist
features. Or, the old landlord economy is broken up by revolution, which
destroys all the relics of serfdom and large and ownership in the first place.
The basis of the final transition from labour service to capitalism is the free
development of small peasant farming, which has received a tremendous impetus
as a result of the expropriation of the landlord's estates in the interests of
the peasantry. The entire agrarian system becomes capitalist, for the more
completely the vestiges of serfdom are destroyed the more rapidly does the
differentiation of the peasantry proceed.53
There are semi-feudal remnants in
the countryside, but Revolutionary Democracy should note Lenin argues that the
forms of land ownership do not prevent capitalism in the countryside. In 'New
Data on the Laws Governing the Development of Capitalism in Agriculture', Lenin
points out the variety of forms that capitalist penetration into agriculture
can take:
'In Volume III
of Capital... Capitalism creates for itself the required forms of agrarian
relationships out of the old forms, out of feudal landed property, peasants
commune property, clan property etc.. Marx compares the different methods by
which capital creates the required forms of landed property..'54
Proletarian Path argues Lenin
showed three 'basic factors' to characterise capitalist relations in
agriculture:
1) Employment of wage-labour and
the appropriation of surplus value; 2) Commoditisation of the products of
peasantry and thereby the market relation; 3) Extended reproduction in
agriculture.. transformation of surplus value into capital..'55
Proletarian Path must agree that
Lenin saw a rapid onset of capitalism, expressed in Russian agriculture by:
a) Dispossession of peasant
masses and the creation of a rural proletariat working for wages;56 b) The
growth of the industrial masses;57 c) The increasing commoditisation of
agriculture;58, 59, 60 d) The role of rural capital-transformation of rural
surplus into capital.61
We must therefore ask Proletarian
Path - If this is so, that Lenin's analysis was that capitalism had penetrated
into agriculture, how did he still advocate the first stage was democratic? and
why is it different from now in India? Alliance's answer to the first question
is the extent to which the communists can pull peasants behind the proletariat;
the answer to the second question is that it is not!
Proletarian Path and
Revolutionary Democracy support the 6th Communist International (CI) Congress
as Marxist-Leninist, Alliance does not. Revolutionary Democracy rebuke
Proletarian Path as descended from 'M.N. Roy'. Strange! For Roy, remained a
Stalinist,62 and was a different calibre from Evgeny Varga, a revisionist63
given the Lenin Prize by Khrushchev in 1954, who equated Stalin with Hitler!
Yet Revolutionary Democracy cites Varga against Roy and Proletarian Path! True
- Roy tended to ultra-leftism early on asserting that by 1857 India has no
'vestiges of feudalism'.64 But Lenin 'Warned (Roy) against wishful
interpretation of facts.'65 Roy rejected Trotsky, when Trotsky attacked Stalin
over China.66 And in India, Roy's practical line in general correctly followed
Lenin.67 Roy worked with the 'best' nationalist elements,68 arguing the working
class should take over the leadership.69 British Secret Service saw him as
their biggest enemy.70 Somehow the ECCI leadership did not agree. At the Fifth
CI Congress in 1924, ECCI wanted a primary direct relation with the Indian
National Congress. Roy saw this as an over-reliance on the nationalists,
limiting workers' independence.71 Roy criticised Zinoviev and Manuilsky for
right deviationism, and argued against them invoking the Second Comintern
Theses stating:
'We must..
invest.. to organise all peasants and exploited people into soviets.. to
establish the closest possible link between the communist proletariat.. and the
revolutionary peasant movement in the East..'72
Stalin agreed with Roy's
interpretation.73
Stalin remarked to D.Z.
Manuilsky:
'You mention
differences with Roy, who underscores the social aspects of the struggle in the
colonies... I should say that there are certain places in the resolution of the
Congress which I do not agree with, precisely from the standpoint of the social
aspect.. I believe that the time has come to raise the question of the hegemony
of the proletariat in the liberation struggle in the colonies such as India,
whose bourgeoisie is conciliatory (with British imperialism) and victory over
whom i.e. over the conciliatory bourgeoisie is the main condition for
liberation from imperialism... It is necessary to smash the conciliatory
national bourgeoisie, i.e. to wrest the worker and peasant masses from its
influence in order to achieve genuine liberation from imperialism... the
national bourgeoisie.. is afraid of a revolution and prefers a compromise with
foreign imperialism to the complete liberation of their country from imperialism.
In order to smash this bloc.. it is a question of preparing the proletariat for
leadership of the liberation movement in. India, and to push the conciliatory
national bourgeoisie out of this honourable post. The greatest shortcomings of
the Congress Resolution.. is that it does not take this new decisive aspect in
the situation into account..'74
With Stalin's comment, the
resolution and attacks upon Roy were dropped. At the next Plenum of the ECCI,
the CI swung to Trotsky's line. At the 6th Congress, Roy was excoriated, and
later expelled from the CI in 1930. The Congress was dominated by Otto
Kuusinen, later openly revisionist. Lenin had said that: 'Communists.. support
bourgeois liberation movements.. when they are really revolutionary.'75
Stalin sharply distinguished
between the 'Compromising wing' of the bourgeoisie of a colonial-type country
(i.e. the comprador) and the 'revolutionary wing' (i.e. the national
bourgeoisie):
'In.. India
the.. national bourgeoisie had split up into a revolutionary and a compromising
party.'76
The 6th Comintern Theses, pays
lip service to this. But the real content of the 6th Comintern Theses is that
no section of the bourgeoisie can be a significant ally of the workers and
peasants:
'The national
bourgeoisie is incapable of offering any serious resistance to imperialism. The
national bourgeoisie has not the significance of a force in the struggle
against imperialism.'77
The political conclusion is that
the national bourgeoisie is fundamentally a counter-revolutionary force in
relation to the national-democratic revolution. If so, could one work with this
bourgeoisie? Obviously not, according to the CI; and in the report Kuusinen
attacked the successful WPP:
'It is necessary
to reject the formation of any kind of bloc between the Communist Party and the
national-reformist opposition (in a colonial-type country-Ed).'78
'Some comrades
considered the advisability of 'labour and peasant parties'... this form is not
to be recommended.. It is.. easy for these parties to transform themselves into
petty bourgeois parties.'79
The 'some comrades' included
Stalin who favoured these parties in the colonial-type countries:
'A revolutionary
bloc of workers and peasants and the petty bourgeoisie.. can assume the form of
a single party, a WPP, provided.. this distinctive party.. represents a bloc of
two forces – the Communist Party and the party of the revolutionary petty
bourgeoisie.. In.. India.. a revolutionary anti-imperialist bloc.. can assume..
the form of a single WPP party... bound by a single platform.'80, 81
Kuusinen's attack on the WPP
agreed with Trotsky in June 1928, who submitted to the congress this:
'Stalin advanced the formula of
'Two-class WPP'.. it is.. A thoroughly anti-Marxist formulation'82
Kuusinen alleged the WPP retarded
the CPI and carried out 'hardly any work' among the peasantry.83 In reality,
the WPP were extremely successful during the strikes in 1928. The 10th Plenum
reiterated another Trotskyite line, and called for 'Soviets Now.'84 The CI
instructed CPI militants to break off rank and file contacts with the
Congress.85 The ultra-Left turn devastated the CPI and the mass WPP. With
police action, it set back the revolution in India.
The theoretical attack on Roy,
focused on so-called 'decolonisation'. In 1927, the ECCI set up a special
commission to examine 'decolonisation.'86 M.N. Roy was instructed to prepare a
draft resolution on the matter, designed to discredit him.87 In his report to
the 6th Congress, Roy identified a new phenomenon. Revolutionary Democracy
inadequately relies on Varga's mea culpa to beat Roy.88 Kuusinen attacked Roy
(and the CPGB) saying Roy through imperialism would self-destruct.89 Roy
pointed out the CI asked him to use the term 'decolonisation' and Roy denied it
meant in any way that British imperialism was about to play dead:
'As is evident
from the passages quoted by Kuusinen I used the term 'decolonization' (Within
inverted commas, because it is not my creation) in the sense that imperialist
power is undermined in India creating conditions for its successful
revolutionary overthrow. India is a colony of the classical type. She will
never cease to be a colony until the British power is overthrown by
revolutionary overthrow... To deduce.. that the British bourgeoisie will
willingly 'decolonize' India is simply absurd.'90
But Roy pointed out the new
developments:
(a) British capitalist crisis had
led to a decreased inflow of British exports into India;91 (b) The volume of
capitalist investments in India from Britain was beginning to decline; (c)
There was a resultant adverse balance of British trade of 'very large
dimensions'; (d) Britain was 'obliged to write off a considerable portion' of
the diminishing Indian profit; (e) India's exports to the Britain were
declining; (f) An increasing amount of India's exports were going elsewhere;
(g) Indian bourgeoisie invested heavily in American securities, alarming
British bourgeoisie.
Roy cited Lenin's critique of
Kautsky, who maintained colonies were only raw material suppliers:
'The theory that
colonies can serve the interests of imperialism only and exclusively as the
source of raw material corroborates Kautsky's definition of imperialism as the
annexation of agricultural territories by advanced capitalist countries, a
definition severely criticised by Lenin'92
British imperialism, argued Roy,
was trying to rescue itself.93 The British were going to make a 'junior
partnership' with the Indian bourgeoisie in a Dominion status replacing direct
colonial status.94 Roy was prescient in diagnosing British policy, and the
transition of India from colony to Dominion:
'The new
imperialist policy implies a gradual 'decolonisation' of Indian.. So that India
might develop from a 'dependency' into a 'dominion'. The Indian bourgeoisie
instead of being kept down will be conceded participation.. under hegemony of
imperialism. From a backward agrarian colonial possession India will become a
modern industrial country-' a member of the British Commonwealth of free
nations'. India is in a state of 'decolonisation'.95
Roy's political sense explains a
great deal of subsequent history. Varga, disagreed.96 But as Roy points out,
Varga previously endorsed Roy's position. Varga knew the British were
renegotiating tariffs, of the Ottawa Summit of August 1932. Lenin pointed out
such types of changes were part of the fabric of imperialism itself, creating
industry in the colonies:
'Exporting capital to the
backward countries.. (where) profits are usually high.. greatly affects and
accelerates the development of capitalism in those countries (where) profits
are usually high.. greatly affects and accelerates the development of
capitalism in those countries to which it is exported.. expanding and deepening
the further development of capitalism throughout the world.'97
Roy also saw that Lenin had
identified a new phenomenon-moving 'unpleasant' and toiling labour, out to the
colonies where the 'black races' would do it:
'Lenin..
Approvingly quoted.. from Schulze-Gaevernitz's book. 'Europe will shift the
burden of physical toil- first agricultural and mining, then of heavy
industry-on the black races and will remain itself at leisure.. thus paving the
way for the economic and later the political emancipation of the coloured
races'98
Marxist-Leninists might ponder
whether Roy was correct in divining these changes.
We ask the comrades of Proletarian
Path and Revolutionary Democracy to correct us. We are frankly puzzled that:
Proletarian Path accepts Lenin on development of capitalism in Russia, but
cannot accept its lessons might apply now in India. We are puzzled that
Revolutionary Democracy upholds Kuusinen and the call for Soviets in 1929; and
the destruction of the Workers and Peasants Party. We are puzzled that
Revolutionary Democracy appears to believe that nothing of note has happened in
Indian industrial development since 1947, and their central theory of 'heavy'
industry.
This article is a résumé of an
article entitled 'Upon a Recent Polemic Concerning the Stage of the Indian
Revolution' published in the Canadian journal Alliance (No. 28, January 1998).
A photocopy of the full issue is available from this journal. Money orders for
Rs. 40/- may be made out to The Manager, 'Revolutionary Democracy'.
Engels' Letter to Turati, January
26th 1984, in 'Selected Correspondence', Marx and Engels, Moscow, 1955, pp.
443-444.
Stalin, 'Tasks of University of
Peoples of East'; Works, Vol. 7, Moscow, 1954, pp. 152-154.
Proletarian Path Inaugural Issue,
'On The Stage of the Indian Revolution', 1992, Calcutta., p.77
Loc. cit.
Lenin, V.I. 'Proletarian
Revolution and Renegade Kautsky' (Nov. 1918); Selected Works; Vol 3, Moscow,
1971; pp. 128-9. Cited by J.V. Stalin, 'Foundations of Leninism' (April 1924),
ibid, p. 105.
Proletarian Path 'Inaugural
Issue' November 1992: 'On the Stage of the Indian Revolution', p.77.
Ibid., p. 79.
Engels to Turati, ibid; 'Selected
Correspondence', pp. 444-445.
Stalin 'Tasks of University of
Peoples of East'; ibid, p. 154.
Alliance 16, July 1995: 'Red and
Green Politics: Environment, Industry and Peasantry'.
Alliance 12, January 1995:
'Chechnya-Oil and The Divided Russian Capitalist Class.
Alliance 14 1995, W.B. Bland
'Restoration of Capitalism in USSR' Alliance 17, 1995: 'Vosnesensky and Varga'.
From 'Economic Situation and
Policy of the Party', Works, Vol. 8 Moscow, pp. 123-156; April 18th 1926.
Ibid, p. 128.
Ibid, p. 129.
Ibid. p. 131.
V.I.Lenin 'Letter on Tactics',
Selected Works; Volume 6, London, 1946, p. 33.
V.I. Lenin: 'Fourth Anniversary
of October Revolution' in ibid., p. 503.
J.V. Stalin, 'Political Tasks of
The University of the Peoples of the East', May 18, 1925, Vol. 7, Moscow, 1954,
p. 148.
J.V. Stalin, 'The Results of the
Work at the 14th Congress of the RCP (B)', in ibid. pp. 108-9.
J.V.Stalin, 'The Political Tasks
of the University of the Peoples of East,' ibid., p. 154.
Ibid., p. 150.
Ibid, p. 151.
Tomlinson, B.R. 'The Political
Economy of the Raj', 1914-1947, Surrey, 1979, p. 27.
Markovit C: 'Indian Business, and
Nationalist Politics 1931-39', Cambridge, p. 49.
M. Kidron, 'Foreign Investment In
India', London 1965, p. 10.
D.J. Encarnation, 'Dislodging
Multi-nationals. India's Strategy in Comparative Perspective', Ithaca, 1989,
pp. 57-8.
Cited by Kidron, p. 13 from A.R.
Desai 'Social Background of Indian Nationalism', p. 98.
Tomlinson, B.R., op.cit., p. 58.
Ibid., p.45.
Ibid, p. 45.
Markovit, op. cit., p. 49-50.
D.J. Encarnation, op.cit., p.58.
B.R. Tomlinson op.cit., pp. 55-6.
Alliance 5, October 1993, 'On
National Revolution in Colonial Type Countries India. Distortion of Leninist
Line By Comintern,' Toronto.
'On the Stage of the Indian
Revolution', Revolutionary Democracy, Vol. II No. 1, April 1996, p. 57.
Nehru J.L. Letter of 9.11.1953;
cited byRevolutionary Democracy, April 1996, p. 54.
Cited Encarnation, op. cit., pp.
28-9.
Revolutionary Democracy, Vol II,
No. 1, April 1996, p. 55.
Lenin, op. cit., p. 480.
See Alliance 25,January 1997:
'How Khrushchev Distorted Struggles in the Colonial World-Alliance with Titoite
Revisionism and International National bourgeoisie.' Toronto.
D.J. Encarnation, op. cit., p.
11.
Ibid. p. 35.
Ibid., p. 38.
Ibid., p. 92.
Ibid., pp. 63-4.
Achin Vanaik; 'The Painful
Transition-Bourgeois Democracy in India', London, 1990, Table 2, p. 281.
Proletarian Path, 'On Stage of
the Indian Revolution' op.cit., p. 18., Source: Indian Economic Year Book.
I.J. Ahluwalia: 'Industrial
Growth In India - Stagnation in the Mid-Sixties', Delhi 1985, p. 20.
Ibid., p. 168.
Ibid., p. 108.
Ibid., pp. 116-118.
Lenin, 'The Development of
Capitalism in Russia' 'Collected Works', Vol. 3, p. 33.
Lenin, 'The Agrarian Programme of
Social Democracy in the First Russian Revolution 1905-07', in 'Lenin on the
USA', Moscow, 1967; from: Vol 13; pp. 275-76, p.40.
'Marxist Methodology and the
Current Stage of the Indian Revolution', Moni Guha, Revolutionary Democracy,
September 1997, Volume III, No. 2, p. 38.
Lenin, 'Development of Capitalism
in Russia' op. cit., p. 174.
Marx 'Capital' Volume 3; p. 177
cited by Lenin; 'Development of Capitalism' op.cit.,
Lenin, 'Development of
Capitalism',op.cit., p. 156.
Ibid., p.172.
Ibid., pp. 154-156.
Ibid., pp. 185-186.
M.N. Roy: 'The Death of Stalin',
The Radical Humanist, Vol. 17, 1953, pp. 121, 132.
See Alliance Issue Number on
Varga's revisionist economics.
M.N. Roy, and Abani Mukherji,
'Indian In Transition', Geneva, 1922, p 17.
M.N. Roy, 'Memoirs', Bombay,
1964, p.522.
See Communist League, 'M.N. Roy
Report-Part Two', London, 1977.
Roy: 'How To Organise Working
Class Party' 1926, 'Selected Works' ed. S. Ray, Delhi, 1988, Vol. 2, pp.
546-547.
Overstreet and Windmiller,
'Communism In India' Berkeley, 1960.
Roy to S.A. Dange, November 2nd
and December, 19th, 1922 in Adhikari, Vol. 1, ibid., p. 595 and Vol. 2. p. 98.
Overstreet and Windmiller, p.
148, citing police intelligence. From 'India and Communism'. p. 164.
Overstreet and Windmiller, op.
cit., pp. 70-1.
Roy op. cit., Volume II, Delhi,
1988, p. 293.
Sibnarayan Ray citing: 'Strategy
and Tactics of the Communist International In The National and Colonial
Countries', 'In The Comintern and the East: The Struggle for the Leninist
Strategy and Tactics in National Liberation Movements', Ed. R.A. Ulyanovsky,
Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1979, pp. 169-170.
Stalin to Manuilsky on Fifth
Comintern Proposed Resolution; cited Ray; Delhi 1988, ibid., pp. 282-283.
Lenin, Report of the Commission
on the National and Colonial Question, op. cit., Vol. 10, p. 241.
J.V. Stalin: 'The Political Tasks
of the University of the Peoples of the East', in Works, Volume 7, Moscow,
1954, pp. 149-150.
'Theses on the Revolutionary
Movement in the Colonies and Semi-Colonies, 6th Congress CI, in International
Press Correspondence, Vol 8, No. 88, December 12th, 1928, pp. 1666, 1667; See
also 'Comintern and National Questions - Documents of Congresses' - Issued By
Communist Party of India, 1973, pp. 84, 90.
Theses, Inprecor, ibid., p. 1668;
or: CPI Printing from 1973, p. 93.
O. Kuusinen, 'Report on the
Revolutionary Movement in The Colonies and Semi-Colonies, 6th Congress, CI' In:
'Inprecor', Volume 8, No. 70, October 4th, 1928, pp. 1230-1.
Stalin, 'Political Tasks of the
University of the Peoples' of the East" Vol. 7; Moscow, 1954, pp. 149,
150-1.
'Theses on the Revolutionary
Movement in the Colonies and Semi-colonies', 6th Congress CI, Inprecor. Vol 8,
No 88, December 12th, 1928, p. 1671 and CPI edition, Delhi, 1973, op. cit. p.
104.
L. Trotsky: 'Summary and
Perspectives of the Chinese Revolution', In 'Third International after Lenin',
London, 1974, pp. 162-3, 171.
Kuusinen: 'Report on the
International Situation and the Tasks of the CI', 10th Plenum ECCI, In
'International Press Correspondence' Vol. 9, No. 40, Aug 20th, 1929, p. 847.
'Theses on The International
Situation and the Tasks of the CI', 10th Plenum ECCI, in J. Degras (ed): 'The
Communist International: 1919-1943: Documents', Volume 3, London, 1965, p. 45.
Young Communist International:
'Open Letter to All Young Workers and Peasants of India', in 'International
Press Correspondence,' Vol. 10, no.2, January 9th, 1930, p. 25.
G. Luhani, Speech, 6th Congress
CI, in 'Inprecor' Vol 8, no. 78, No.8, 1928, p. 1472.
M.N. Roy and B. Varnik: 'Our
Differences', Calcutta, 1938, p. 31.
Revolutionary Democracy 'A
Critique of the Contemporary Adherents of the Views of M.N. Roy, Evgeny Varga
and Leon Trotsky on the Current Stage of the Revolution in India', Vol III No.
2, September, 1997, p. 51.
Kuusinen, 'Revolutionary Movement
in The Colonies' 1928, In 'Documents of the History of the Communist Party of
India', Ed. Adhikari, Delhi, 1982, p. 477.
M.N. Roy; 'On the Indian Question
in the 6th World Congress', in 'Selected Works', Ed. S. Ray op. cit., p. 178.
Ibid. pp. 180-196.
Roy; ibid., p. 199.
Roy; 'On Indian Question', ibid.,
p. 182, 186.
Roy; 'On Indian Question in the
Sixth World Congress' In S. Ray, 'Selected Works', Vol. 3, ibid, p.187.
M.N. Roy cited by O.Kuusinen
'Report on the Revolutionary Movement in the Colonies', 6th Congress CI in
Inprecor. Vol 8. no. 68, Oct 4th, 1928. p. 1226; Also see in Adhikari, Volume
IIIC; op. cit., p. 478.
Cited in Communist League; 'M.N.
Roy Report, Part 2', p. 40 from 'Economic and Economic Policy in the Fourth Quarter
of 1927', Inprecor, Vol 8. No. 15, March 14th, 1928, pp. 292-3.
Lenin; 'Imperialism-Highest Stage
Capitalism', New York, 1970, pp. 63-5.
Roy; ibid., p. 179; from
'Imperialism' New York, 1939.
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