To Defend Assassins Is to Help Fascism
İt is impossible to read without a feeling of deepest indignation the telegram sent in such haste to the Soviet government regarding the trial of the terrorist Trotsky-Zinoviev center, by the official representatives of the Labor and Socialist International and the International Federation of Trade Unions, signed by de Brouckere, Adler, Citrine and Schevenels.
Did these reactionary leaders act with the same alacrity when the Communist International proposed to the Labor and Socialist International that joint assistance be given to the Asturian miners when they were fighting with weapons in hand, in October, 1934? Did they hasten to reply to the repeated appeals for joint action made by the Communist International for the protection of the Ethiopian people, when it was attacked by Italian fascism? Not at all. I remember that they stated at that time that they were not competent to enter into negotiations on this question, and that the convening of a session of the Executive of the Labor and Socialist International would have to be waited for. But at that time it was a question of a really just and honest matter, the defense of the vital interests not only of the Spanish but of the international proletariat, and of the fight against the most unjustifiable, disgraceful war of conquest.
But now they show themselves fully competent, on their own account-without consulting their organizations-to take upon themselves the task of protecting the accused terrorists, who had raised their criminal hands against the leader of the Soviet power.
And it was always thus if the proletarian court in the Soviet Union brought down the sword of punishment on saboteurs who scattered glass splinters in the workers' food, poisoned collective farm cattle, spoiled machines, or if the court took action against spies and military saboteurs, agents of fascism who destroyed railway tracks, and caused explosions. Every time such incidents occurred such reactionary leaders as Citrine and Adler, etc., in variably interceded for and came forward fo protect this counter-revolutionary gang of ruffians. And it often happened that the sympathy of the reactionary leaders of the Labor and Socialist International and the International Federation of Trade Unions, as soon as the apparatus of the proletarian dictatorship caught agents of foreign fascism in the act of preparing attacks on the leaders of the Land of Socialism, was not on the side of the workers and collective farmers of the Soviet Union, but on the side of their bitterest enemies.
The leaders of the Labor and Socialist International sent no telegram of sympathy either to the Communist Party of the Soviet Union or to the Soviet government when Comrade Kirov, one of the best sons of the people, selfless fighter for the cause of the liberation of the international working class, was treacherously murdered. On the contrary, at that time also, they hastened to take under their wing those against whom the wrath of the people was directed. It is all the more scanda lous that, just at this time, when around the heroically fighting Spanish people a real united front of struggle is being created against the rebel generals, against German and Italian fascism, for the protection of the republic and of democracy, that Citrine and Co. come forward with their hostile demonstration against the Land of Socialism, the most solid and unshakable bulwark of the liberties of the people.
What can these advocates of Trotsky, Zinoviev, and Kamenev say, in view of the irrefutable facts?
Has it not been proved that Trotsky, whom reactionary Socialist leaders made a great song about at one time, is the organizer of individual terrorism in the Soviet Union? It has been proved.
Has it not been proved that his allies, Zinoviev, Kamenev and others, prepared terroristic attempts in the course of a number of years on Comrade Stalin, the greatest leader and organizer of the triumph of socialism, against his best companions in the fight, against the leaders of the Party and Soviet power? It has been proved.
Has it not been proved that this terrorist gang murdered Kirov? It has been proved.
Has it not been proved that these despicable terrorists worked in league with the Gestapo, that is, with the secret police of German fascism, the bitterest foes of the working class, the bestial persecutors and torturers of Communist, Socialist, and non-party workers? It ha·s been proved.
Has it not been proved that the counter-revolutionary terrorists, in the foul atmosphere of their outlawry, cultivated the habits and customs of those fascist executioners who set the Reichstag on fire, and later destroyed persons who took part in that outrage? It has been proved.
All this was proved in an open session of the Soviet court, in the presence of representatives of the international press. It was confirmed by the categorical admissions of the defendants themselves. Driven into a corner by the facts and the irrefutable evidence, they fully admitted having conmitted the crimes with which they were charged and did not deny their political and organizational connection with fascism. Is it not a fact that in their last speeches the accused, one after the other, admitted the heinousness of their crimes against the working class?
But Citrine, Adler and the others took them under their protection. Ridiculous and pitiable are the statements of these leaders regarding granting the accused the rights due to them. They were granted every possibility of saying whatever they liked. They were granted the right to choose their defending counsel, to call witnesses, to demand. examination of the evidence, etc. But they renounced the right of choosing defending counsel, to call any witnesses and to deliver speeches in their defense, for the chain of their crimes was too obvious and indisputably proved; their crimes were proved before the whole world in public trial by documents, facts, material evidence.
The criminal conspirators were caught redhanded with weapons in hand, with passports in their possession, which they had received from the agents of Hitler and of the Gestapo, with explosives. Documentary proof was adduced before the court regarding the personal leadership of the terrorists by Trotsky, who had sent them to the Soviet Union to murder Stalin, to organize terroristic acts against the leaders of the socialist state. Overwhelming proof of the guilt of the Trotsky-Zinoviev terrorists was produced at an open trial. It was proved beyond dispute that Trotsky, Zinoviev and their gang stood on the other side of the barricades, in the same camp as those who are fighting against the Spanish people, sending airplanes, weapons and munitions to the rebel generals, who are waging a counter-revolutionary civil war in Spain.
. Citrine and others are endeavoring to justify their intervention on behalf of the terrorists-the enemies of the Soviet power-by pointing to the necessity of maintaining proletarian solidarity with the fighting working class in Spain. They try to create the impression that the trial of the counterrevolutionary terrorists in the Soviet Union endangers the realization of this proletarian solidarity with the Spanish people. But that is an obvious lie.
The employment of the courts against the terrorists, agents of fascism, is an integral part of the anti-fascist struggle of the international working class. True solidarity with the Spanish people is not compatible with the protection of the agents of fascism in other countries. One cannot sincerely support the Spanish people, which is fighting against fascism, and at the same time play the part of protector of the terrorist rabble in the Soviet Union, thus helping fascism. Whoever supports counter-revolutionary terrorists in the Soviet Union, directly or indirectly, is, at bottom, serving the ends of Spanish fascism; he is rendering difficult the fight of the Spanish people, and facilitating its defeat.
This action of the leaders of the Labor and Socialist International and of the International Federation of Trade Unions is leading to a breaking of the solidarity of the international proletariat with the proletariat of the Soviet Union. It is a blow against the unity movement of the working class of the whole world. It is directed toward the breaking up of the united front of the working people against fascism in Spain, France and other countries. This action of Citrine and others is a direct blow against the heroic fight of the Spanish people, for if the Spanish people should follow the rotten advice which. the reactionary Socialist leaders permit themselves to off er to the peoples of the Soviet Union, the resistance of the Spanish revolution would be doomed to defeat.
It is just because counter-revolutionary generals went unpunished too long that the Spanish people is having to make such sacrifices-because measures were not taken in good time against the fascists, who were secretly preparing a conspiracy against the people.
There is no reason to doubt that Hitler and Mussolini, Generals Franco and Mola, the fascists of France and other countries, all sworn enemies of the unity of the working class and the People's Front, all enemies of democracy, of socialism, and of the Soviet Union, will welcome this scandalous act, for this action of Citrine and Adler is directed towards deepening the split in the ranks of the working class of the whole world, and plays into the hands of wor Id reaction.
It would be wrong to ascribe the respcnsibility for this expression of attitude to all the parties and organizations which belong to the Labor and Socialist International and to the International Federation of Trade Unions.
It is certain that they have not empo,vered Citrine and Schevenels, de Brouckere and i\.dler to defend Trotsky, Zinoviev and Kamenev, who organized terrorist acts against the leaders of the great Soviet country. They have not empowered the leaders to take the accused, the allies of German fascism and the Gestapo agents, under their protection. They have not instructed them to make use of the trial of the terrorist gang in order to launch a fresh campaign of slander against the Soviet Union and to disrupt the united front against fascism.
It is the duty of the millions of supporters of unity in the ranks of the Labor and Socialist International and of the I.F.T.U., in connection with the disgraceful intervention of Citrine and the others, to administer a sharp rebuff to the saboteurs of the united front. It is high time that an end was put to their coming forward and speaking in the name of the workers' organizations to the detriment of the united struggle against the common enemy. The example of the accused degenerates plainly reveals to everybody how renegades, double-dealers, who, like Trotsky, make play with radical phrases, act as wreckers· in the ranks of the labor movement, and carry out the disgraceful work of fascism. Now even the most short-sighted people can see for what purpose Trotsky needed the formation of a Fourth International, and whom this dirty crowd of crazy petty-bourgeois individualists, self-centered careerists, agents of the Gestapo and of the secret police of other countries, are serving.
To be able to display keen class vigilance at every step, to learn how to distinguish real friends from concealed enemies, to know how to expose double-dealers and agents of the class enemy and to remove them ruthlessly and in good time from the ranks of the proletarian organizations-this is one of the most important lessons of the trial for the workers' movement in all countries. We do not doubt that all organizations of the working class will administer a well-merited rebuff to the anti-Soviet sally of the Citrines, that they will strengthen and develop the united front movement, and rally millions of working people around the just national war of the Spanish people against the rebel generals, who are supported by the Italian and German fascists; that they will rally the working class against fascism and its contemptible accomplices, the Trotskyist plotters.
Geroge Dimitrov
Publıshed byWORKERS LIBRARY PUBLISHERS, lnc.
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