Two Possible Ways of Development—Capitalist and Non-Capitalist
THE THEORY OF SCIENTIFIC COMMUNISM
The choice of the road of development for the liberated peoples is an important and acute problem linked up with clashes between social forces, because the different classes and parties offer their own solution to this problem. The reactionary forces, chiefly the big bourgeoisie and landowners, relying on the economic, financial and military support of the imperialist powers, seek to channel the nation’s development along capitalist lines.
The progressive forces, mainly the proletariat and the working peasants, seek to protect the nation against the intrigues of the imperialists and direct the country to the path of genuine independence, rosperity and progress.
The peoples of these countries are becoming more and more convinced that national rejuvenation and social progress can be ensured only through non-capitalist development.
The newly liberated peoples know what capitalism stands for. The charms of colonialism are stm fresh in their minds and their freedom. The history of capitalism and imperialism is one of devastating wars, colonial plunder, exploitation, unemployment, starvation and privation. Capitalism is the enemy of democracy and progress, and peoples are therefore emphatically rejecting capitalism no matter how attractively it is attired by its ideologists and no matter how aluringly it is described (“people’s capitalism”, “welfare state”, and so on) . Capitalism is so unpopular that this is admitted even by official imperialist sources. A survey compiled by a U.S. news agency and carried by The New York Times notes with regret that the more the merits of capitalism are advertised and the more socialism is attacked by it, the less is it liked by the world. Analysing the comments of the agency’s correspondents, who conducted opinion polls in both Hemispheres, the survey states that “capitalism is evil. The United States is the leading capitalist country. Therefore the United States is evil. Capitalism is a dirty word to millions of non-Marxists. ... To them it means little concern for the poor, unfair distribution of wealth and undue influence of the rich".
An indication of the unacceptability of capitalist development to the peoples is the grave crisis in a number of the newly liberated countries, which have chosen the capitalist road, the road that accords with the interests of the imperialists and their supporters and brings the people nothing but poverty and exploitation.
Take Morocco. The government’s capitalist policy led to a severe crisis in the country’s economic, financial and socio-political life, with the result that the position of the working masses sharply deteriorated. The cost of living rose 40 per cent in the period 1958–63 and wages remained virtually frozen. Unemployment grew catastrophically. Every fifth man and every second woman in a country with a population of 13,000,000 lost their jobs. The situation is no better in some of the other countries that have chosen the capitalist road.
The people, naturally, are opposed to capitalism, to capitalist development. But there is another, non–capitalist, road of development.
Experience of Non–Capitalist Development
Lenin showed that with the rise and development of socialism in other, more advanced countries it was possible for economically undeveloped countries to start building socialism without passing through the capitalist stage of development. His words were: ”. .. With the aid of the proletariat of the advanced countries, backward countries can go over to the Soviet system and, through certain stages of development, to communism, without having to pass through the capitalist stage.” [129•*
He thereby applied the Marxist theory of the socialist revolution to countries which had not reached the capitalist level of development, giving expression to the specific conditions and forms of the transition of these countries to socialism.
This proposition has now been carried into effect. Of the 65 million-strong non-Russian population of Russia in 1917, 25 million inhabited the former Central Asian colonial outskirts and were at pre-capitalist stages of development, preserving not only feudal and semi-patriarchal modes of production but also the clan way of life. In the course of only half a century these regions, aided by fraternal nations, primarily by the Russian people, have become flourishing socialist republics with a high level of industrial, agricultural and cultural development. They have built metallurgical, automobile, electrical engineering and other modern industries. Their agriculture has also changed, consisting of highly mechanised collective farms. They have overcome their cultural backwardness and trained skilled national cadres, attaining a higher cultural level than any Eastern capitalist country and even some of the leading capitalist countries of the West. Mongolia, which was a semi-colonial country, has travelled 130the entire road from feudal backwardness to socialism. Today, relying on aid from the Soviet Union and other socialist countries she is planning to become a developed industrial-agrarian state in the immediate future.
The experience of the Soviet Central Asian republics and Mongolia demonstrates what can be attained with the assistance of fraternal nations by peoples who liberate themselves from colonialism and exploitation. This experience is now showing the liberated peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America how to by-pass capitalist development, proving to them that the non-capitalist road allows them to achieve genuine independence and progress.
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Substance of Non– Capitalist Development
Non-capitalist development is the road to socialism for countries that have not reached the capitalist stage. It is the road to socialism by-passing capitalism generally or some stage of developed capitalism provided socialism has triumphed or there is a proletarian dictatorship in other countries.
The transition to socialism is accomplished as a result of a socialist revolution springing from definite material and class prerequisites (the required level of economic development, the existence of a developed and politically active proletariat led by a Marxist party, and so forth). These prerequisites usually mature at the capitalist stage of development, which means that a direct transition to socialism is possible in developed capitalist countries.
It is different in the case of pre-bourgeois countries, such as are most of the new sovereign states. They lack the prerequisites for a socialist revolution and, therefore, require a certain period of preparation for the transition to socialism, a period in which the material and class conditions for this transition are created. This period, during which countries approach socialist reforms, is an indispensable element of non-capitalist development.
The social and economic processes of this initial period (economic development and the accompanying regrouping of class forces in favour of the working masses, primarily of the proletariat) are in some measure analogous to the processes witnessed during capitalist development. However, non-capitalist development greatly accelerates these processes, and the most important thing is that it delivers the masses from much of the sufferings and hardships of capitalist development. Side by side with bourgeois–democratic reforms, the initial stage of non-capitalist development witnesses reforms of a socialist nature (restriction of private capitalist ownership and exploitation, the transfer of part of the means of production to public control and management, economic planning, and so forth). However, at this stage the latter reforms are not decisive and do not determine the social and economic character of society as a whole.
At this initial stage the correlation of bourgeois–democratic and socialist reforms and their influence and significance are not the same in different countries, for this depends on the level of the given country’s economic and social development, on the balance of class forces in it. At the same time, regardless of their depth and form, socialist reforms are an unmistakable indication of the non-capitalist road. Where reforms of this type are absent it is a sign that society is following the road of usual capitalist development.
The initial stage, during which bourgeois-democratic reforms predominate, is followed by a stage of definitely socialist reforms in all spheres of social life, a stage of direct transition to socialism.
At this new stage, socialist reforms become predominant, non-capitalist development is consolidated, society finally embarks upon the socialist road and the national liberation revolution grows into a socialist revolution.
How quickly this new stage is reached depends upon how actively the masses participate in the revolution, how deeply the democratic reforms become rooted in social and political life, how quickly the role of the working class grows and its alliance with the peasants strengthens, and on how speedily the leading core of the revolution becomes the spokesman of the masses.
The social and economic objectives of the non-capitalist road as a whole are, thus, to complete the national liberation revolution, create the material and class prerequisites for socialism and then promote the growth of the national liberation revolution into a socialist revolution.
It must be emphasised that non-capitalist development is possible only in the present epoch of mankind’s transition from capitalism to socialism, when countries taking the 132non-capitalist road can count on the disinterested assistance of the world socialist system. The backward countries can emerge from their present stage of development, Lenin wrote, “when the victorious proletariat of the Soviet Republic extends a helping hand to these masses and is in a position to give them support”. [132•*
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Liberated Peoples Choose Socialism
That capitalist development is a road of suffering is becoming eyer clearer tQ the working masses of the newly liberated countries, and they are beginning to realise that only socialism can bring them freedom and happiness. Socialism is the only socio-political system that can put an end to the age-old backwardness of these countries, ensure a rapid upswing of their economy and culture, satisfy the people’s material and spiritual requirements and for ever eradicate exploitation, poverty, starvation and the threat of another world war.
With the spread of the revolution, the bourgeoisie, which advocates the capitalist road, becomes more and more unfit to head the struggle against imperialism, for social progress, while in some countries it has proved to be unable to preserve political independence. In the sphere of social and economic reforms the bourgeoisie has displayed its complete incapacity. An exploiting class, it is afraid to lose its property and privileges and fears the revolutionary people. It opposes nationalisation and is reluctant to take determined steps to solve the agrarian problem, make a clean break with the colonial pattern of economy and social life and effect sweeping democratic reforms. This breeds disappointment and distrust, and stirs the masses to resolute action not only against foreign imperialism but also against their own bourgeoisie.
In the resolutions adopted by the 23rd Congress of the C.P.S.U. it was noted that in countries liberated from colonialism a new life is bursting forth in grim clashes with the perfidious imperialist enemy and internal reaction which, with the support of imperialism, are striving to direct the new states towards the capitalist road. However, the new nations are growing more and more intent on linking up the complete triumph of the national liberation movement, the abolition of their long-standing backwardness and the attainment of a higher standard of living with non-capitalist development.
Expressing the will of the people, their gravitation towards socialism, their aspiration to build a new, happy life, the leaders of some liberated countries—Algeria, Burma, Guinea, Congo (Brazzaville), Mali, the United Arab Republic—have proclaimed the intention of their nations to follow the non-capitalist road of development. Reforms of an anti-capitalist, socialist nature are being carried out in these countries. A state sector is being established as a result of nationalisation and the planning of economic development has been instituted. They are ousting foreign capital from their economy, restricting exploitation, narrowing down the economic potential of the local bourgeoisie, depriving the exploiting classes of influence over political life, building up a national economy through industrialisation, carrying out agrarian reforms (in particular, setting up peasant co-operatives), pursuing an independent, antiimperialist foreign policy, establishing friendly relations and co-operation with socialist countries, and so on.
Much attention is given to raising the people’s standard of living and cultural level, promoting education and public health and training technical and scientific cadres.
The building up of a national economy, particularly industry, gives rise to the material prerequisites of socialism—a modern material and technical basis. The creation of these material prerequisites is accompanied by the maturing of the social prerequisites of socialism: the working class grows numerically side by side with industrial expansion, with the result that its role in society is enhanced; moreover, its alliance with the non-proletarian strata, especially with the peasants, takes shape and grows stronger.
The fact that the working class begins to play a bigger role does not imply that it is the leading force of society everywhere and at all stages of non-capitalist progress. In most of the developing countries the working class is numerically small, organisationally and ideologically weak or only just entering the arena of active politics, and for that reason non-capitalist development, especially at its initial stage, may be guided by revolutionary-democratic forces.
In the new countries the choice of the road of development is linked up with a sharp ideological struggle, which finds expression, in particular, in the fact that the various classes have a different picture of socialism and of the ways and means of achieving it. Sometimes these views are far removed from scientific socialism or serve as a screen to hide the efforts of the bourgeoisie to channel development along capitalist lines. However, this by no means implies that Communists brush non-Marxist notions about socialism completely aside. These notions contain a progressive aspiration to put an end to capitalism and exploitation and build a society founded on collective ownership. Communists unconditionally support this progressive content, this anti-imperialist, anti-colonial orientation of various socialist theories. At the same time, they do not become dissolved in various social forces championing socialism but strive to inject the theory and practice of genuinely scientific socialism into all socialist movements.
It must be noted that in the course of the national liberation revolution, the socialist views of the leaders of some developing countries underwent perceptible changes. At the initial stage these views were, as a rule, a curious mixture of elements of scientific socialism and Utopian, religious notions, but today these leaders are gradually going over to scientific, Marxist-Leninist socialism.
This evolution towards Marxism-Leninism is a natural process dictated by the course of the national liberation revolution, by the objective requirements of the developing countries. A genuinely popular revolution, whose purpose is to bring a country independence and prosperity, and freedom and happiness to the people, can triumph only on the basis of Marxism-Leninism, of scientific socialism. “Our revolution,” said Fidel Castro, national hero and head of the Government of Cuba, “has made Marxism-Leninism its banner. Nobody forced us and nobody guided us from some other continent. Life showed us the road and we took that road without hesitation or fear. Every genuine revolution must inexorably march towards Marxism-Leninism as the only unadulterated revolutionary truth which rejects colonial slavery, imperialist vassalage and exploitation of man by man.”
It would be vulgar simplification to assert that in all countries and under all conditions revolutionary democrats, the national-democratic intelligentsia in particular, will necessarily and inevitably go over to Marxism-Leninism. There is only the possibility that this will happen, and this possibility becomes reality only when the balance of forces in the country concerned favours the forces of progress, when the proletariat plays a progressively more prominent role in the revolution, when the revolutionary democrats consistently champion the interests of the masses. Besides, there are many contradictions and difficulties in the very process of transition. It would be naive to expect that the foremost section of the revolutionary democrats in power should suddenly and at once master Marxism-Leninism. They first master only individual aspects of Marxism and the process involves difficulties, retreats and vacillation. These difficulties are successfully overcome when the revolutionary process grows in depth and breadth, when its objective logic has placed a certain section of the revolutionary democrats in power and when this objective development of the revolution is correctly assessed by these revolutionary democrats.
Factors Facilitating the Transition to the Non-Capitalist Road
Progress along the non–capital ist road is facilitated both by internal and external factors. The former include:
the objective need for social progress in the liberated countries, in particular the need for a national economy resting on present-day scientific and technological achievements;
the weakening of the positions of imperialism and internal reaction, the strengthening of the anti-capitalist, progressive social forces, chiefly of the entire working class, and the growing influence of the Marxist parties;
the formation and consolidation of the alliance between the working class and the peasantry, the growth of the political activity and class and national consciousness of the working people, the spread of socialist ideas among them;
the development of democracy in social and political life, in particular in the trade unions and other democratic organisations;
the inability of the bourgeoisie to head radical social and economic reforms or to ensure political and economic independence; 136
the possibility of the leaders of the liberated countries adopting radical views and of their evolution towards scientific socialism.
The external factors helping the liberated countries to advance towards socialism include:
the noticeable weakening of international imperialism and the mounting strength of world socialism;
the successes of the socialist system in economic development, in boosting the standard of living and cultural level of the people;
the extensive experience of socialist construction, especially the experience of non-capitalist development of formerly backward countries;
the increasingly stronger unity of the liberated countries with the world socialist system and the international communist and working-class movement, as well as of the unity among the developing countries themselves in the common struggle against imperialism;
the all-sided and disinterested aid rendered to the formerly oppressed peoples by the socialist countries;
the contemporary scientific and technical revolution, which is expediting the movement of the liberated countries from backwardness to progress.
The existence of these favourable factors does not mean that the transition to non-capitalist development takes place of itself, automatically. It requires tremendous effort and dedication on the part of the patriotic forces.
Notes
[132•*] Lenin, Collected Works, Vol. 31, p. 244.
[129•*] Lenin, Collected Works, Vol. 31, p. 244.
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