Japan, Outer Mongolia, and the Chinese Liberation Movement

The Communist May 1936
R. Doonping

To appraise the Far Eastern situation today means to ascertain the direction and immediate objective of Japanese policy and to estimate the strength and tempo of the development of the united front anti-imperialist, especially anti-Japanese, movement in China. 

THE AFTERMATH OF THE FASCIST COUP IN JAPAN 

The sudden gravity of the Mongolian situation in the last few weeks can be explained mainly by the relation of forces within the ruling class in Japan following the crisis of February 26. The fas•· cist coup reveals the depth of the schism within the ruling class and exposes the instability of the existing regime, but also greatly shar­pens the internal contradictions and weakens the striking power of the country as a whole. But, although the ruling class as a whole has beein weakened by the internal fight, the composition of the Hirota Cabinet indicates that the reactionary militarists have gained strength in relation to the other groups. The fascists failed in attaining their objective in establishing a full-fledged fascist regime a la Hitler, but they succeded in having one of their most vicious leaders, Baron Hiranuma, head of the most influential fascist mass organizations, the Kokuhonsha, appointed President of the Privy Council, replac­ing the veteran moderate statesman, Baron Ikki. They also got Arita, their closest henchman in the diplomatic service, installed as Foreign Minister. War Minister Terauchi does not belong to the fascist wing of the army, but neither is he an exponent of the so-called "moderate" policy. Just before the Cabinet was formed, he openly declared that "a Cabinet influenced by liberalism and intent on maintaining the status quo cannot he accepted". Koki Hirota, the new Premier, was once an active follower of Mitsum Toyama, head of the chauvinist Black Dragon Society, and now belongs to one of the fascist Kokuhonsha's subsidiary organizations. 

The Cabinet as a whole, of course, represents a compromise between the militarist extremists (fascists) and the moderate con­servatives, but its complexion is much more reactionary and aggressive that that of the Okada Cabinet. Leaning as much as it does on the reactionary militarists and knowing that the life of the Cabinet as as it shows any sign of weakness or moderation, the Hirota Cabinet is thus destined to follow a desperately strong policy. The general direction of the policy-conquest of China and war activities against the Soviet U nion--of course, will not be changed. But the method of carrying it out has become more adventurous, and its immediate objective is becoming more and more ambitious. 

JAPAN'S DESIGNS ON OUTER MONGOLIA 

The growing appetite of Japan in regard to Outer Mongolia is clearly evidenced by the recent revival of "incidents" on the Mongolian-Manchoukuan border. The use of artillery, tanks, and airplanes, with hundreds of soldiers participating, gives a magnitude to these "incidents" that practically amounts to small-scale warfare. The recent provocations may be partly motivated by the desire on the part of Japan to demonstrate its readiness to strike on the Eastern front of the: Soviet Union while its ally in the west, Germany, seeks to force upon Western Europe ·a fait accompli by the military occu­pation of the demilitarized Rhineland. It may also be true that Japan wants to divert the attention of the world from its advances in China, so as to discourage the tendency of the United States and Great Britain to draw closer to each other in common opposition to Japan's policy in China. But the main purpose of the border "inci­dents" against Outer Mongolia is to occupy that region and con­vert it from a revolutionary power into a military base for attacking the Soviet Union. 

Outer Mongolia lies at the entrance to the Lake Baikal region in Sikena and is of enormous strategic importance. Supported by Japan, the notorious White Russian militarist, Baron Ungern-Stein­berg, occupied Mongolia in 1921 and attempted to cut the Trans­Siberian railroad. With the help of the Soviet Red Army, the Mon­golian revolutionists, that same year, liquidated the Ungern regime, overthrew the power of the princes and .priests and established the Mongolian People's Republic--,-a democratic regime of the toiling masses. Japan has been supporting the remnants of White Russian elements from this region, as well as the Mongolian reactionary political emigres, and the corrupt Mongol leaders in Manchuria and Inner Mongolia; and has intrigued with them for the last .fifteen years for the restoration of semi-feudal power in Outer Mongolia. This is an integral part of its Manchurian-Mongolian policy. Never­theless, the Japanese imperialists realize that the People's Republic of Outer Mongolia, governed by the toiling masses, is not like the old regime in Manchuria, controlled by the corrupt militarist Chang Hsueh-hiang. In previous border incidents, the Mongolian Revolu­tionary Army had already had occasion to show to the Japanese how valiantly it would fight to defend its border. At the beginning of March, in an interview with Roy Howard, of the Scripps-Howard newspapers, Comrade Stalin made it clear that if Outer Mongolia is invaded, the Soviet Union woud come to the help of the Mongol­ian people, as it did in 1921, to expell its invaders. Recently, a pact of mutual assistance was concluded by the Soviet Union and .Outer Mongolia. Under these circumstances, the fact that the Japanese imperialists dare to go as far as they do is highly significant. If Tokyo is directly responsible for this policy, it indicates the despe­rate and reckless character of its foreign policy: If, as is thought in many quarters, the Kwantung Army, Japan's Continental Army, has staged these incidents in order to force the hand of Tokyo, the situation is just as dangerous. The whole trend of development indicates the dogged persistence on the part of the Japanese mili­tarists to risk great odds to destroy the revolutionary power in Outer Mongolia, to add Outer Mongolia to Japan's colonial empire, and together with its Western ally, Germany, to attack the Soviet Union. 

JAPAN DRIVES FOR THE CONQUEST OF CHINA 

While pushing its war policy against Outer Mongolia in the North, Japanese imperialism is continuing its policy of conquest with regard to China. Taking advantage of Chiang Kai-shek's policy of non-resistance and shameless capitulation, Japanese imperialism followed up its occupation of Manchuria with the taking of Jehol and the organization of the four Chinese provinces into the puppet state-of Manchoukuo. Then it launched the so-called "autonomous" movement, first in Hopei and Chahar, with the purpose of spreading it over the whole of North China. At its inception, Japanese spon­sors of the "autonomous" movement thought it wise to give it the semblance of a popular movement. Hordes of "autonomists" appeared in the streets of Peiping and Tientsin last autumn, demonstrating and demanding "autonomy" for North China. When questioned, many of the demonstrators professed ignorance of the real purpose of the demonstration, stating that they were each paid 40 cents ( 13 cents in American money) and ordered to demand "au­tonomy"; but as to details they were still awaiting orders.* Despite this farce, however, the "autonomy"' movement bore fruit, than􀀞, to the Japanese army and Chiang Kai-shek's non-resistance policy: With the organization of the Chahar-Hopci Political Council last December two of the most important North China provinces practic­ally, though not yet formally, passed under Japanese control. 

Ever since then, Japan has been pressing Nanking to carry out the so-called Hirota three principles, which it claims Chiang Kai-shek accepted. The three principles, which demand the suppression of all anti-Japanese organizations in China; economic cooperation between China, Japan, and "Manchoukuo" (involving the recogni­tion of Manchoukuo) ; and Siner Japanese cooperation for the sup­ pression of Communists, aim to convert China from a semi-colony into a colony of J .tpan and constitute the general line of Japanese advance in China. Since the formation of the Hirota Cabinet, pressure on Nanking to carry, out these demands have greatly in­creased, resulting in Nanking's intensified effort to suppress the student and other popular movements which have sprung up though­out China since the Chahar-Hopei affair. In order to guage the strength and tempo of development of the united front anti-Japanese movement, and to estimate the probable effect of Chiang Kai-shek's suppressive measures, it will be necessary to trace briefly the recent his􀁉ory of the student movement. 

THE STUDENT MOVEMENT AND THE ANTI-IMPERIALIST UNITED FRONT 

Chinese indignation has been mounting ever since the formation of the puppet state, Manchoukuo. When the so-called "autonomous" movement was staged in Peiping and Tientsin, the patience of the Chinese people was exhausted. The students of Peiping, as they did in May, 1919, led the way. On December 9, just a few weeks after the organization of the Peiping Students' Union, over 5,000 students of Peiping universities, colleges, and middle schools demonstrated in protest against the "autonomy" of North China or the setting up of any other puppet organization, against the diplomacy of ca­pitulation, against the arrest of students, for the protection of freedom of speech and. organization, and for armed defense of North China against Japanese invasion. The authorities ordered the police and soldiers to attack the students with water, whips, gun-butts, and bayonets. The students resisted. The battle, spreading to all parts of the city, lasted fourteen hours. Over a thousand students from two leading universities, Tsing Hua and Y enching, in the suburbs, found the city gates closed to them and stood in the cold the whole day, vainly struggling to enter the city in order to join their fellow students. During the heat of the struggle, the students voluntarily raised the slogans of "Down with Chinese traitors" and "Down with Japanese imperialism!". With 40 wounded and 14 arrested, the students' indignation was further heightened. On the 16th, a much more powerful demonstration -10,000 strong-occupied the streets of Peiping. The students of the two suburban universities succeeded in forcing open the iron door of one of the gates. It was the day set for the formal inaugu­ration of the puppet organ, "Hopei-Chahar Political Council". Hence, the chief slogans of the demonstration were "Against the Hopei-Chahar Political Council!" and "Arm all the .people for resistance against the Japanese,, invaders!" The police and soldiers were unspeakably brutal in battling the students all afternoon and throughout half of the night. They wounded c,ver 200 and caused the arrest and disappearance of over 60 others.

Peiping students occupy a unique position in the political life of China. The total student population from middle school upward is well over 30,000. Of these, 13,517 are enrolled in the 19 leading colleges and universities which attract students from all over the country. Thus, just as Nanking is the political capital, and Shanghai the economic ca,pital, Peiping is the educational capital of China. With the trail blazed by the Peiping students, a mass student move­ment can easily spread throughout the country. This is what happened in May, 1919, and this is what happened in December, 1935. The demonstrations of December 9 and December 16 had a tremendous influence on the students throughout the land. On the 18th, 6,000 students from 17 universities and colleges demonstrated in Tientsin. The demonstration resulted in the organization of the Tientsin Students' Union, which later joined the Peiping students and formed the powerful Peiping-Tientsin Students' Alliance. 

Demonstrations of a similar nature took place in virtually all the leading educational centers in Shanghai, Wuchang, Hankow, Canton, Hangchow, Taiyuan, and Tsinan. In each place, virtually 99 per cent of the student body in middle schools, colleges, and universities participated. It was a mass movement of the first magni­tude. 

In January, the Peiping-Tientsin Students' Union decided to broaden the scope of its educational activities and to appeal to the people in the small towns and villages in Hopei province. Organized into four educational corps, hundreds of students set out in four directions to various parts of the province. After many bitter en­counters with agents and gendarmes sent by the .puppet Hopei­Chahar Political Council, the student educators were scattered, but not before they had made a profound impression on the villagers. The following report of the response of the people to the student speakers is extremely significant: 

"The people voluntarily offered water to the speakers. . . . The people not only poured out of the town gates to welcome us, but they presented us with food. Even the local police and Chambers of Commerce provided us with lodging. . . . The most moving experience is the speech of the police chief of Hsi-hi village. With tears in his eyes, he said, 'We all want to save the country; but our actions are limited by the lack of orders to that effect from the higher authorities and we really are at a loss as to what to say.'" (Life of tlu Masses, February I, 1936.)

This attitude is by no means true only of an isolated group. The nation was ready for a big mass movement. Small wonder that the student movement had an electrifying effect on the whole nation. Since the inspiring days of 1925-27, the nation had never witnessed such a revival of the mass movement. People from all walks of life responded to the students' call "to resist Japanese invasion and save the nation"

First in answering the call of the students was the Save-China movement launched by the Shanghai cultural workers. Over 300 prominent professors, journalists, and writers signed a ringing mani­festo, declaring their determination :

"( 1) To maintain the territorial integrity of China, refusing to recognize all treaties and agreements that infringe on the sovereignty of China; ( 2) to oppose the establishment of foreign-sponsored special administrative organs on Chinese soil; ( 3) to refuse to treat the Northeast [Manchurian] and the North China problems as local affairs and to regard them as problems of China's territorial sov­ereignty as a whole; ( 4-) to demand the sending of a military expedition against the Eastern Hopei and Manchurian puppet organs; (5) to demand resistance against the invaders with the military and financial power of the whole country; (6) to demand the severe punishment of all traitors and confiscation of their property; ( 7) to demand the freedom of organization, assembly, speech, and pub­lication for the people; and, (8) to rally the masses of the whole country to set up voluntarily organizations for carrying out, with proper means, our Save-China program."

On December 27, a few days after the issuance of the Shanghai manifesto, over 150 Peiping professors, journalists, and cultural workers published a similar manifesto, and adopted the eight-point program of the Shanghai manifesto, which they regard as "the minimum condition for the maintenance of China's independence and freedom and the only way to save North China for the Chinese people!" 

NANKING'S ATTEMPT TO SUPPRESS THE ANTI-JAPANESE MOVEMENT 

The most outstanding feature of the development of the recent student movement is that not only enormous difficulties were over­come by the students but that after eat::h crisis, the movement always ascended to a higher level. This is highly significant in itself, but is even more important as the harbinger of a new revolutionary wave. The Japanese imperialists know this very well, and as a preparation for further advances in China, have evidently made up their mind to crush the movement. In order to achieve this purpose, they pre­vailed upon Chiang Kai-shek to carry out the first point in tlie three Hirota demands, namely, the suppression of the anti-Japanese move­ment. On February 11, the Publicity Bureau of the Kuomintang in Nanking gave warning to the students and ordered the local authorities to suppress the student movement. February 20 saw the promulgation of the Emergency Law for the suppression of the people's mass liberation movement as a whole. 

The promulgation of the law was followed immediately by the tightening of press censorship and the suppression of the influential weekly magazine, The Life of the Masses, which, fourteen weeks after its publication, had reached a circulation of 120,000 copies. Under cover of the Emergency Law, the Peiping puppet authorities, nominally under Sung Cheh-yuan's leadership, instituted a brutal program of suppression. Bought agents were planted in the various universities in an effort to split the Students' Unions and provocative tactics were followed to provide excuses for suppressing the Students' Unions. In the first week in March it was estimated that about 200 students were held in prison awaiting "trial", while "those against whom there is any evidence of being connected with the Students' Union or 'radical' activities are reported to have been badly tortured in an effort to extort confession or information" ( China Weekly Review, March 21). Rewards up to $10,000 were offered for de­nunciations of members of the Communist Party. Three professors from the National University of Peking and two professors from Tsing Hua University were also arrested. Secret arrests are going on in the streets, and no record of these arrests have been kept. Thus, with Chiang Kai-shek's help, the immediate objective of Japanese policy in China, the suppression of the people's liberation movement, seems to bear fruit. However, the most thankless task in the world is the effort to suppress a mass movement in a period of a rising revolutionary wave. The Peiping correspondent of the China Weekly Review significantly reports in the issue of March 21 :

"Fearful lest the whole anti-Japanese movement in the North may be qispersed, the students are now organizing a strong opposition te the Emergency Laws, mass meetings voting to ask the government to rescind these, to withdraw the order suppressing the P-eiping-Tientsin Students' Union, and voting to strongly support the Union in order to maintain the independence of the student movement at all costs. The effect of the suppression is to turn the students as a mass into a Left opposition to the government, the policy of 'beheading' the movement by arresting all the leaders as 'Communists' serving merely to swing the body of the movement further to the Left."

The movement of the students and professional workers in China is only a partial manifestation of the liberation movement as a whole. The most decisive role in the anti-imperialist struggle in China today is undoubtedly played by the workers and peasants in Soviet China as well as in Kuomintang China. The most significant thing that has recently occurred in the workers' movement in Kuo­mintang China is the series of anti-] apanese strikes in Shanghai. The occasion that precipitated the first of the strikes, on February 8, was very significant. On accidentally discovering that one of the Chinese workers in a Japanese textile factory had been a former soldier in the famous Nineteenth Route Army, the owner of the factory had the worker tortured and beaten to death. The protest strike that followed was joined by workers in many factories. The political significance of this strike hardly needs elaboration. The anti­Japanese strike wave is likely to lead to greater and more important developments than even the student movement. 

The recent consolidation of the Soviet District in Western Szechwan province and the march of the leading sections of the Red Army to Shansi and the southern part of Inner Mongolia have not only strengthened the people's liberation movement but have also opened up tremendous pos.5ibilities for an extension of that movement. The Chinese Soviet government's determined policy of bringing about a broad anti-imperialist people's front can best be seen from the interview recently given the Chinese revolutionary press by Comrade Mao Tse-tung, Chairman of Soviet China. On the question of the work of the Soviet government for the organiza­tion of the anti-Japanese front in China, Comrade Mao says:

"The establishment of the united front, for the struggle against Japan and for the deliverance of the country, with all political groups and all parties, regardless of previous points of view, throughout China-that is the policy being pursued by the [Chinese] Soviet government with all its heart, determination, and persistence. Our efforts aim at realizing this great object with all the forces and means at our disposal. The Soviet government is at all times and at all places ready to conduct negotiations with anyone who is prepared to fight against Japan. In all our negotiations we make one fundamental condition only: struggle against Japan for the deliverance of the country."

Of particular interest to the American people is the statement regarding Soviet China's foreign policy by its Commissar of Foreign Affairs:

"If the chief enemy confronting us is Japanese imperialism, then the countries which preserve a benevolent neutrality towards our struggle against Japan are our friends (and we are ready to main­tain friendly diplomatic relations, based on equality, with them). Our country is still backward economically; hence we must cooperate with those which are economically progressive. Therefore the Soviet government is prepared to conclude economic agreements, based on equality, with all countries which are friendly to us. The annul­ment of the unequal treaties is, however, one of the most important foreign political tasks of the Chinese Soviet government. This can be done with all countries--except with Japan-by way of diplomatic negotiation. Japanese imperialism is the most dangerous enemy of the Chinese people. With every other country the Chinese Soviet government wishes to maintain peaceful and friendly relations in the interests of the Chinese people."

It is clear that this foreign policy is formulated in harmony with the general people's front policy against Japanese invasion. 

In order to hasten the process of the development of the people's front against Japanese imperialism in China and to insure peace in the Far East, the American workers, farmers, and intellectuals--the broad masses of the people--should make their great influence felt in the Far East by rallying to the support of the Chinese student move­ment and to protest against its suppression. In an appeal to the American Students' Union, the Peiping Students' Union stated cor­rectly that "International public opinion is a powerful weapon", and called upon the American students to "protest to the Chinese authori­ties against the disgraceful suppression of the Chinese student move­ment". It is the duty of the American students to give a clear answer of solidarity to this appeal. The facts of Soviet China's efforts to organize the anti-Japanese front, particularly its foreign policy, must be widely broadcast in the United States. Through the anti­war and anti-fascist movements in the United States, pressure must be brought to bear on the American government to collaborate with all the forces of peace in the Far East. Independent struggles of the workers and of the masses as a whole through their organiza­tions must be developed to stop the shipment of munitions to Japan and put all possible obstacles in the way of Japan's war policy. In order to do these things effectively, the American Friends of the Chinese People and its magazine China Today must be strengthened as instruments in the building of a powerful movement in America for the support of the Chinese liberation movement, and against the drive of the Japanese militarists toward war and imperiamt expansion. 

The Communist May 1936