Talk during the 8th Session of the Fifth Congress of the Communist International

 June 23, 1924

Source: Hồ Chí Minh toàn tập, Tập 1, Chính trị Quốc gia - Sự thật, Hanoi, 

2011, pp. 295-297.

Translation: Foreign Languages Press, Paris, 2021.

I come here to direct the attention of the Communist International to the fact that the colonies exist and proclaim that the revolution has the task of resolving the issue of the future of the colonies; at the same time, I am here to bring to your attention the dangers faced by the colonies. Apparently, you have yet to fully accept the thinking that the destiny of the international proletariat, especially the proletarian within those countries that send forces to invade and occupy colonies, is closely linked to the destiny of the oppressed classes in the colonies. Even if the situation were calm, I would avail myself of the opportunity and, if necessary, create every possible opportunity to awaken you to the colonial question.

I agree with what comrade Roy127 said here today, but when he speaks of English colonialism, I would like to also add “French,” “Belgian,” “American,” “Japanese”… As I’m from a French colony, I will mostly speak of its colonialism and its despots, just like comrade Roy spoke of England, our fraternal party there, and about English colonies.

Comrades, forgive my boldness, but I must say that as I listen to the contributions to the debate by those of you from mother countries, I get the impression that you are trying to kill the snake by hitting it on the tail, not the head. You all know that the venom and vitality of imperialism are concentrated in the colonies, not the mother country. It is the colonies that supply raw materials to the factories and soldiers to the armies of imperialism. It is the colonies that are the foundation of counterrevolutionary forces. And, when you talk about revolution, you give superficial attention to the colonial question.

Comrades, when you want to break an egg or a stone, you must first find a tool whose strength is adapted to the strength of the object you intend to smash. Why do you not take such measure when you want to overthrow capitalism? Why in all matters of revolution, have you not reorganized your tactics and forces? Why do you organize forces and organize propaganda but give no attention to the forces and propaganda of the opposition against which you want to struggle and topple? Why do you ignore the colonies at a time when the capitalists are using the colonies to defend themselves and oppose you? I would like to add few words to comrade Trein’s speech. Comrade Trein mentioned the revolutionary upsurge in France, as well as the birth of a fascist movement there. Regarding the first, I fully endorse his optimism. However, I have a different opinion regarding the second. I think that in Italy, Germany and other countries, reactionaries need fascism to protect themselves; the French bourgeoisie has yet no need for fascism. They have other protectors who are much stronger and more organized and disciplined than the “blacks.”128 Indeed, they have black and yellow soldiers. You probably know by now that the French army consists now of 458,000 French soldiers and 206,550 colonial soldiers. But do you know that the time a colonial soldier is trained and serves in the military is twice as long as French soldiers? Therefore, in nominal terms, although the number of troops always ready to attack you is 664,550 men, in reality it is 1,000,000 men, or rather 939,950 men because the number of French soldiers is 251,450, outnumbering native regiments, these natives serve 431,100 more months than the French.

While debating capabilities and methods for completing the revolution, while preparing combat plans, the British and French comrades and the comrades of the other parties have completely overlooked this important strategic point. So, this is why I must earnestly appeal to you to pay attention.

127 M. N. Roy (1887-1954), founder of the Communist Party of India. In 1920, he was invited to Moscow for the 2nd Congress of the Comintern, where he stayed until 1927. From there he wrote many articles for the Comintern’s review Inprecor and published books. In 1928, he aligned with the Right Opposition and fled from Moscow. He returned to India in 1930, was jailed for a time, and ended up rejecting communism in favor of what he described as “radical humanism.”

128 Meaning the Blackshirts in Italy, the paramilitary forces of the National Fascist Party.