Resolution of Presidium E.C.C.I. on Situation in Germany ( April 1st)
D. Z. MANUILSKY
In the conditions of the tremendous sharpening of the economic and political situation in Germany, when, on the one hand, the Communist Party had already become a tremendous force in the working class, and a revolutionary crisis was rapidly maturing, when, on the other hand, the deep contradictions among the ruling classes themselves had become clear and the fascist dictatorship in the shape of the von Papen and Schleicher Government was not in a position to stop the growth of Communism and find any way out of the ever-intensifying economic crisis, the German bourgeoisie delegated the establishment of an open fascist dictatorships to the fascist Hitler and his "National Socialist" Party.
The victory of Hitler and the establishment of the power of the "National Socialists" was possible owing to the following circumstances.
German social-democracy, which had the support of the majority of the proletariat in the November Revolution of 1918, split the working class.
Instead of carrying the revolution forward to the dictatorship of the proletariat and socialism, which was the dut7 of a workers' party, it, in alliance with the bourgeoisie and the generals of the Kaiser, suppressed the uprising of the revolutionary masses and laid the basis for a profound split in the working class of Germany.
In the conditions of imperialism-and still more so in a country which had been defeated in the imperialist war and whose capitalism bad been deeply undermined by the general crisis of the capitalist system, the Weimar "democratic" bourgeois republic could only be a reactionary dictatorship of the bourgeoisie.
Continual and gradual concessions to reaction, a gradual repeal of one point of the constitution after another, of one gain of the workers after another, the gradual fascisation of the whole apparatus of the state, so greatly discredited the Weimar coalition and the Weimar republic that it lost all serious significance in the eyes of the broad masses.
It can be understood, therefore, that at a time of the most intense economic crisis, which increased the burden of the external Versailles national oppression, and when, due to the social-democrats, the working class was split and consequently not strong enough to carry the urban petty-bourgeoisie and the pea ant masses with it-there was bound to arise, and actually there did arise, a tempestuous outbreak of German nationalism and chauvinism which considerably strengthened the political situation of the bourgeoisie and brought to the surface the most demagogic nationalist party -the party of the "National Socialists."
The Communist workers organized and carried on a struggle against the capitalist and fascist offensive.
They supported even the slightest action of the social democratic workers against capital, wherever such actions took place.
In pursuing its line of struggle for the revolutionary unity of the working class against the social-democratic united front with the bourgeoisie, the Communist Party, as the only revolutionary leader of the German proletariat, in spite of the strike-breaking tactics of social-democracy, called on the working class for a general political strike on July 20, 1982, when the fascists dispersed the social democratic Prussian government, and on Jan. 30, 1933, when Hitler came into power in Germany.
In order to carry on this strike, the Communist Party pro-posed a united front to the Social-Democratic Party and the reformist trade unions.
The development of the struggle of the working class against the bourgeoisie and fascism, and a general strike, would have caused the hesitating toiling masses of peasants and the urban petty-bourgeoisie to follow the proletariat.
But the Social-Democrats, continuing their previous policy, and directing themselves to further collaboration with the bourgeoisie, fettered the initiative of the masses through the network of centralized organizations which followed their lead-first of all the reformist trade unions.
The bourgeoisie was able, without serious resistance, to hand over the governmental power in the country to the National Socialists, who acted against the working class by the methods of provocation, bloody terror and political banditry.
In analyzing the conditions for a victorious uprising of the working class, Lenin said that a decisive battle can be considered as fully mature-
IF "all the class forces which are hostile to us have become sufficiently entangled, have sufficiently come into conflict with each other, have sufficiently weakened themselves by a struggle which is beyond their strength"!
IF "all the vacillating, hesitating, unstable, intermediate elements, i.e., the petty-bourgeoisie, petty-bourgeois democracy as distinguished from the bourgeoisie, have sufficiently exposed themselves to the people, have sufficiently disgraced themselves by their practical bankruptcy";
IF "among the working class mass sentiment has begun, and is rising strongly in favor of supporting the most decisive, supremely bola and revolutionary activity against the bourgeoisie;
"Then the revolution has matured, and if we have properly taken into account all the conditions mentioned above . . and have properly selected the moment, our victory is assured.''
The characteristic feature of the circumstances of the time of the Hitler coup was that these conditions for a victorious rising had not yet managed to mature at that moment. They only existed in an embryonic state.
As for the vanguard of the working class---the Communist Party-it did not wish to slip into rash adventures, and of course could not compensate for the missing factors by its own actions.
"It is impossible to win with the vanguard alone," says Lenin. "To throw the vanguard alone into the decisive fight while the whole of the class, the whole of the broad masses, have not occupied the position either of direct support of the vanguard or at least of friendly neutrality towards it . . . would not only be foolish, but a crime.''
Such were the circumstances which decided the retreat of the working class and the victory of the party of the counter-revolutionary fascists in Germany.
Thus, in the last analysis, the establishment of the fascist dictatorship in Germany is the result of the social-democratic policy of collaboration with the bourgeoisie throughout the whole period of existence of the Weimar Republic.
The social-democrats repeatedly stated that they would not object to Hitler coming into power in a "constitutional!' manner. But after Hitler assumed power, Vorwaerts, on Feb. 2, stated that without social-democracy a person like Hitler could not have become Chancellor of the Reich. Weis stated the same thing on March 23, in his declaration in the Reichstag in which he said that the services socialdemocracy had rendered to the "National Socialist" were very great, because it was thanks to the policy that social-democracy pursued that Hitler was able to come to power. There is no need to mention Leipart, Loebe and other social-democratic leaders who completely support the fascists.
The Communist Party was right in giving the name of social-fascists to the social-democrats.
But the fascist dictatorship, basing itself on armed gang of National Socialists and "Steel Helmets" and commencing civil war against the working class, abolishing all the rights of the proletariat, is at the same time smashing the social-democratic theory that it is possible to win a parliamentary majority by means of elections and to develop peacefully towards socialism without revolution.
It is destroying the social-democratic theory of class collaboration with the bourgeoisie and the policy of the "lesser evil," and is destroying all the democratic illusions among the broad masses of the workers.
It is proving that the government is not a super-structure rising above classes, but a weapon of the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, that the real state power is the armed bands of storm troops, "Steel Helmets," police and officers, who are governing in the name of the bourgeoisie and the Junkers.
The working class is actually becoming convinced that the Communists we-re right when for a number of years they fought against democratic illusions, against the social-democratic policy of the "lesser evil" and collaboration with the bourgeoisie.
Meanwhile, the frantic dictatorship of Hitler, which has started civil war in the country, cannot solve a single political and economic question of contemporary Germany.
The poverty and want of the masses are increasing day by day.
The position of industry is growing worse because the adventurous policy of the government is only accelerating the contraction of the home and foreign market.
There are not, and there cannot be, any prospects of a serious reduction of unemployment. There is no possibility of giving work and employment to all the adherents of the National Socialists. In place of the National Socialists who are given jobs, other workers will be dismissed.
The continuation of the moratorium until October and the introduction of quotas on imports of agricultural products, can only satisfy a small section of the most well-to-do peasants for a very abort period, but cannot stop growth of want, poverty and discontent among the broad peasant masses.
The demagogic attacks on the big stores and Jewish capital cannot help the impoverished petty-bourgeoisie, whose position will grow proportionately worse with the further fall of the purchasing power of the home market.
The giving of microscopic help to the needy with bread and pork was only a sop for the elections. In view of the worsening economic situation, the increase of unemployment relief by two marks a month cannot but be taken back.
It is becoming clear that Hitler is leading Germany to economic catastrophe, which is becoming more and more inevitable.
The National Socialist movement grew up first of all as a nationalist and chauvinist movement of the petty-bourgeoisie and part of the peasant masses, led by officers and government officials from the Kaiser's days against the Versailles Treaty.
The two months in which Hitler bas been in power have been just one chauvinist tirade against proletarian internationalism and against "world Bolshevism."
It is a policy of sharpening relations with all countries without discrimination. Such a policy will not only fail to strengthen Germany, but will weaken it still further and isolate it.
The attempts of the government to violate the Versailles treaty under such conditions and to obtain successes in foreign policy, even if only unity with Austria, so as to raise its prestige, will lead only to a further sharpening of the whole international situation and a tremendous growth of the war danger.
Every day of the Hitler government will reveal with greater clearness the manner in which the masses who follow Hitler have been tricked.
Every day will show with greater clearness that Hitler is leading Germany to catastrophe.
The present period of calm after the victory of fascism is temporary.
The revolutionary upsurge in Germany will inevitably grow in spite of the fascist terror. The resistance of the masses to fascism is bound to increase. The establishment of an open fascist dictatorship, by destroying all the democratic illusions among the masses and liberating them from the influence of social-democracy, accelerates the rate of Germany's development towards proletarian revolution.
The task of the Communists must be to explain to the masses that the Hitler government is leading the country to catastrophe.
It is now necessary to warn the masses with greater energy than ever before that the only salvation for the toiling masses from still greater poverty and want, the only way to avoid catastrophe, is the proletarian revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat.
It is necessary to strive to rally all the forces of the working class and form a united front of the social-democratic and Communist workers for the struggle against the class enemies.
It is necessary to strengthen the party and strengthen all the mass organizations of the working class-to prepare the masses for decisive revolutionary battles-for the over· throw of capitalism and for the overthrow of the fascist dictatorship by an armed uprising.
In view of all this, the Presidium of the E.C.C.I. approves the program of practical activities planned by the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Germany.
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