Conclusion - Imperialist provocations in Cuba and out of its time and place ML statements and commentaries
QUESTION OF SUPPORT
Every decision and stand of a ML derives from
and has in mind the interests of working class and of its struggle. It is not
to be derived from the learned by rote and sloganized theories but
application of Marxist Leninists theories to the concrete conditions and
situations with the final consequence of benefiting the working class and its struggle. When Lenin stated that “The
proletariat can and must support the militant bourgeoisie when the latter wages
a really revolutionary struggle against feudalism. But it is not for the
proletariat to support the bourgeoisie when the latter is becoming quiescent”
(35) he had the interests of (in most cases-non or few existing) working class and
its struggle in mind. Shocking to so many who can not grasp Marxism Leninism and
its dialectic, and puzzled with it, Lenin, in reality tell more in one paragraph
that requires a book to explain:
“One cannot be a Marxist without feeling the deepest respect for the great bourgeois revolutionaries who had an historic right to speak for their respective bourgeois “fatherlands”, and, in the struggle against feudalism, led tens of millions of people in the new nations towards a civilised life.” (36)
Without going in to details of the subject but to the
essence of it; Marxist Leninists support every forward action that coincides
with the interests of working class and its struggle. Defining the struggles
and wars of small, oppressed, exploited nations against the imperialists as “just”
and calling for the support of Marxist Leninists derives from the same
principle.
“Social-Democrats
fully recognise the necessity of freedom for all nations. In the epoch of
struggle against feudalism, absolutism, and foreign national oppression, they
recognised defence of one’s country—today they recognise as just, the war waged
by the oppressed nations (especially colonies) against their oppressors, the “great”
powers. ” (37)
There is a twisted understanding of “support” of these
type of anti-imperialist countries which
preconditions an active war being waged against them. I will not dwell on this
approach but remind them that “war is nothing but the continuation of a policy in
different form”, especially now a days in various forms; through educated,
trained provocateurs, followed by private mercenaries, NGO financed groups etc.
Now, while Marxist Leninist principle calls for the
support of bourgeois and bourgeois democratic movements, to support a country
where the political power is in the hands of majority, its interests coincides
with that of majority and its road is toward socialism should be
unconditional for her interests are not different than the interests of
working class and its struggle neither in particular nor in general.
Even during the early years of Cuban revolution when
most of the “socializations” had not been carried out firmly yet, Enver Hoxha was
calling for the unconditional support of Cuba;
“A return to the correct Leninist course demands
deeds, not words: it is necessary to denounce Khrushchev’s treacherous
policy and his rapprochement with the imperialists; it is necessary to condemn
his adventurist and capitulationist policy in the Cuban events and to give
unreserved support to the fraternal Cuban people in their fight against
the aggression of US imperialism” (38)
Even if one has some reservations about an anti-imperialist
country’s political system, its shortcomings, mistakes etc., that does not
prevent Marxist Leninists from supporting. Enver Hoxa gives another example of
and the principle reason for the support;
not hindering, but influencing for the better.
“In all
the anarchist activity of Castro, there are certain stages which must not be
forgotten, such as the resolute resistance to the Americans, the resistance
over the question of the missiles, the fight at the Bay of Pigs, and now the
disagreements with the Soviets. Castro is not a purist but neither is he
like some Korean or Rumanian leaders. Castro has a pronounced sense of
resistance. Relying on these features, without retreating from our
principles, we should try to influence him for the better, because this is
in the interest of the revolution.” (39)
CONCLUSION
There were so many statements, commentaries in reference to the provocative demonstrations in Cuba. Unfortunately, most of the Marxist Leninists statements and commentaries had shown an influence of Bourgeois norm, morality, and ethics, so called “balance and fairness” approach in it. That is why statements and commentaries were full of critiques of Cuba side by side condemning the imperialist plans and aggression. That was good enough for a bourgeois commentary for making the average reader draw the desired conclusion of commentator;” although one is worse but the other is not good either. “
Marxist Leninist ethics and norms have nothing to do with that of bourgeois. For Marxists Leninists, norms, ethics, “morality is entirely subordinated to the interests of the proletariat's class struggle. Our morality stems from the interests of the class struggle of the proletariat.” (40) First of all, related to a specific subject matter at a specific moment, it is not the time and place to play “fair and balance” game and fall into the bourgeois trap, for such an approach brings about a drawn conclusion by the average reader that minimizes the importance of the aggression of imperialists.
Secondly, and most importantly, due to the structure and length of the statement, even if the briefly outlined critiques in statement had some legitimacy, they would have no benefit to the cause in general or in specific, for most readers will only draw the conclusion that Cuba is not “that good” anyway. That conclusion will be creating a reverse illusion indeed, an illusion that minimizes not only the importance of Cuba, but the importance of imperialist aggression against her.
The critiques of Cuba had no place in statements and commentaries for a specific event and related to imperialist plots and aggression. That was the current issue, and that was what the Marxist Leninist had to stick with in their statements and commentaries. If one wanted to take the issue of Cuba and criticize her, that would have been taken separately, apart from the "statements related to the protest issue", another time on another place.
I have taken up each and every major arguments against Cuba stated on those statements and commentaries, and made the counter arguments, shown their fallacy based on Marxist Leninist theories, supported by Lenin, Stalin and Enver Hoxa.
Thus not only the format of the statements and commentaries based on “balanced” approach is wrong and serving the interests of imperialists, but the arguments made in order to be “balanced and fair” are false and has nothing to do with Leninism but of Trotskyism, thus, again, serving the interests of bourgeoisie.
Marxist Leninists should be vigilant in their statements and commentaries and consider the consequences, study what the “feedback” will be before issuing these statements and commentaries. And never go by the bourgeois “fair and balance” ethic rule that presumes “impartiality, for Marxist Leninists are not impartial in any event.
Erdogan A
July 2021
NOTES
(1) Karl Marx, The German Ideology
(2) Engels, Socialism: Utopian and Scientific
(3) Lenin, From a Publicist’s Diary (Peasants and Workers)
(4) Lenin, The Conversation
(5) Lenin, Karl Marx A Brief Biographical Sketch With an Exposition of Marxism
(6) Lenin, The Aim of the Proletarian Struggle in Our Revolution
(7) Lenin, Constitutional Illusions
(8) Lenin State and Revolution
(9) Enver Hoxha, Letter to the Ninth Conference of the Chinese Communist Party, April 29, 1969
(10) Enver Hoxha, The Modern Revisionists on the Way to Degenerating Into Social-Democrats and to Fusing with Social-Democracy - April 7, 1964
(11) Enver Hoxha, Reflection on China
(12) Lenin, The Principal Stages in the History of Bolshevism
(13) Stalin, Dimitrov’s Diaries December 6, 1948
(14) Lenin, Materials Relating to the Revision of the Party Programme
(15) Lenin, First Congress of the Communist International
(16) Lenin, Material for the Preparation of the Programme of the R.S.D.L.P.
(17) Lenin, The Central Authority, and the Consolidation of the Bourgeois State
(18) Lenin, Theses on Fundamental Tasks of The Second Congress Of The Communist International
(19) Lenin, “Left-Wing” Communism: an Infantile Disorder, No Compromises?
(20) Lenin, Extraordinary Seventh Congress of the R.C.P.(B.)
(21) Lenin, The Tasks Involved in the Building of the Revolutionary Proletarian State
(22) Lenin, On Cooperation
(23) Lenin, Role and Functions of the Trade Unions
(24) Lenin, Eleventh Congress Of The R.C.P.(B.)
(25) Lenin, “The Immediate Tasks of the Soviet Government”
(26) Lenin, Tenth All-Russian Conference of the R.C.P.(B.)
(27) Lenin, Report on the Tax in Kind
(28) Lenin, Seventh Moscow Gubernia Conference of the Russian Communist Party
(29) Lenin, The Seventh (April) All-Russia Conference of the R.S.D.L.P.(B.)
(30) Lenin, Notes for a Speech at the 10th Congress
(31) talin, Speech at the Opening of the, First All-Russian Conference of Responsible Personnel of the Workers' and Peasants' Inspection,
(32) Stalin; The Party's Tasks
(33) Lenin, Plan of The Pamphlet, The Tax in Kind
(34) Lenin, Role and Functions of the Trade Unions
(35) Lenin, The Agrarian Programme of Social-Democracy in the First Russian Revolution, 1905-1907
(36) Lenin, The Collapse of the Second International
(37) Lenin, The First International Socialist Conference at Zimmerwald
(38) Enver Hoxha, Twenty Years of Socialist Albania
(39) Enver Hoxha, The Chinese Diplomacy has fallen asleep.
(40) Lenin, The Tasks of the Youth Leagues
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