A letter to Stalin listing facts that compromise the leadership of the Dagestan Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic. 1951
Archive: RGASPI. F. 558. Op. 11. D. 900. L. 1-17
To Comrade I.V. STALIN
Dear Joseph Vissarionovich!
The party entrusted me, a young worker, with the responsible post of Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Dagestan Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic. It is a great honor to be in such a great government position. Great is the responsibility and serious responsibilities entrusted to me in leading the economic and cultural construction of such a complex, multinational republic as Dagestan. The greatest difficulties fall on my shoulders in carrying out the directives of the party and government, in solving the economic and political tasks set before the republic by the party, the government and you personally.
Understanding the full responsibility to the party, the government and the people, I devote all my strength, knowledge and energy to putting into practice the party’s policies and its decisions, fighting against any and all deviations from the party line, from its ideology and policies.
During my short time as chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Dagestan Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, I came across numerous facts characterizing the non-partisan behavior of the first secretary of the Dagestan regional party committee, Daniyalov. I was convinced that we were not talking about random mistakes and blunders, but about the wrong line, running counter to the interests of the cause, to the interests of the Bolshevik party spirit and integrity, for the sake of parochial, friendly relations.
In December 1950, I informed in detail the secretaries of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, T.T. Ponomarenko and Suslov in the presence of Daniyalov himself about the serious mistakes he made in the leadership of the party organization (the text of the information is attached).
Daniyalov not only did not draw any conclusions from this, on the contrary, after this the situation became even more intolerant and abnormal.
Daniyalov, hiding behind an outward show of friendship with me, used my raising of these issues in the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks to organize persecution and behind-the-scenes combinations and intrigues. While putting forward issues of principle and vital importance for the party organization, I did not have the necessary support. I didn’t have it because Daniyalov, instead of, guided by the instructions of the secretaries of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, creating healthy relationships and business contacts in work, having previously agreed with the members of the bureau obedient to him, upon arrival from Moscow he gave me a fight at the bureau of the regional committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks ).
He also did not have support because Daniyalov placed people who were personally loyal and obedient to him in many leadership positions, and individual leading employees of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, such as Dedov, uncontrollably support him in everything.
In these extremely difficult conditions for me, I understand the complexity of my situation, but I am deeply convinced that I am right and have no right to betray my party duty and Bolshevik integrity.
Dear Joseph Vissarionovich!
In that difficult time for the revolutionary movement, when the tsarist guards crushed workers' organizations and threw thousands of revolutionary fighters into prison, exile, and hard labor, you sought to create a solid Bolshevik fortress in the form of the party organization of proletarian Baku.
During the Baku period of your revolutionary activity, my father, Mukhtadir Aidinbekov, was your student and gave his whole life for the cause of the party. This is written about in the book by L.P. Beria “On the history of Bolshevik organizations in Transcaucasia” (7th ed., 168 pp.), in the book by M.D. Bagirov “From the history of the Bolshevik organization of Baku and Azerbaijan” (2nd ed., 81 pp.) and in the Great Soviet Encyclopedia (new ed., volume 1, p. 553).
In my life I pursue one single goal - to serve the party of Lenin-Stalin as honestly and faithfully as my father served under your leadership, who suffered for many years in exile and prison for his revolutionary activities and was brutally killed by counter-revolutionary Musavatists during the establishment of Soviet power in Azerbaijan.
I was forced to remind you of this because the remnants of those counter-revolutionary and bourgeois-nationalist elements and their descendants in Dagestan seriously prevent me from pursuing the line of the Bolshevik Party and defending the interests of the state and people. The situation is complicated by the fact that the first secretary of the regional committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, Comrade. Daniyalov took the path of patronage and direct support of these dubious elements, allows deviations from the party line, from its ideological and organizational principles, shows nationalistic hesitations in resolving fundamental theoretical and practical issues in the life of the republic, creates an intolerant atmosphere of nepotism, sycophancy and servility, which is not conducive to the development of Bolshevik criticism and self-criticism in the party organization. Both the interests of the cause and Bolshevik integrity are sacrificed to friendly and parochial relations. Daniyalov has stopped critically examining himself and his work, understanding his own mistakes, and allows arrogance, arrogance, and complacency. He is proud of his position and loses the trust that the party organization has invested in him.
The regional committee bureau has not created an environment for criticism and self-criticism. The members of the bureau do not show adherence to principles, mutually hushing up the mistakes known to them, meaning that Daniyalov takes criticism with hostility.
The current situation in the leadership of the Dagestan party organization urgently requires serious intervention by the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks. Therefore, I appeal to you with a request that the facts I have presented be checked by impeccably honest, politically sharp and principled Bolsheviks, who will be able to understand the state of affairs in the Dagestan party organization before the upcoming regional party conference on June 15.
Chairman of the Council of Ministers
Dagestan Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic S.AIDINBEKOV.
About the facts of manifestations of nationalist fluctuations, serious mistakes and vicious methods of leadership of the first secretary of the Dagestan regional committee of the CPSU (b) Daniyalov.
During my work as Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Dagestan Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, I came to the conclusion that the first secretary of the Dagestan Regional Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, Daniyalov, is pursuing a deeply erroneous anti-party line, which manifests itself, first of all, in nationalistic hesitations in resolving a number of fundamental theoretical and practical issues, in instilling nepotism, sycophancy and servility to the detriment of Bolshevik integrity and the interests of the cause and beating up cadres unsuitable for it.
I also learned that this line of Danilov is not accidental and refers not only to the last period of his work. It was carried out by him during his work as chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Dagestan Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic. Danilov also showed dishonesty and insincerity before the party, hiding a number of serious facts that compromised him as a party member and party worker.
In this regard, I consider it necessary to report the following facts. Daniyalov showed serious nationalist hesitations in his assessment of the movement of Muridism and Shamil after the decision of the Council of Ministers of the Union, which revealed the reactionary essence and bourgeois-nationalist character of this movement. He reacted very nervously and painfully to the resolutions of the Council of Ministers and the Pravda article and tried to discredit them, collecting materials and documents to refute them. When I raised the question of the need to discuss the materials that appeared in the Pravda newspaper exposing the anti-people, reactionary nature of this movement, he came into sharp conflict with me and intimidated me by discussing my behavior at the regional committee bureau. Contrary to my insistent demands, Daniyalov did not allow this issue to be discussed at the bureau of the regional committee of the CPSU (b) for two and a half months.
After he became convinced of the hopelessness of his attempts to refute the new position and learned that a meeting of party activists would be held in Baku on this issue, he was forced to convene a meeting of the city’s party activists to discuss the issue of the reactionary nature of the muridism movement.
Nationalist fluctuations also affected the level of the party meeting held on this issue. It was held at a low political level and most of the activists applauded when the Dagestan historian Magomedov, an ardent apologist and author of numerous works on Muridism and Shamil, tried to shift the blame for his mistakes on the activists to the government commission that was examining a textbook on the history of the peoples of the USSR. In this regard, it is characteristic to note two more points. With the appearance of the article in Pravda, Magomedov wrote a statement to the regional committee admitting his mistakes and responsibility. Daniyalov, having read this statement, expressed his indignation and declared Magomedov a coward. Therefore, it is no coincidence that Magomedov, who initially realized and repented of the mistakes he made at the activist meeting, began to wriggle out and shift the blame to the government commission.
In his report, Daniyalov hid the hesitations he showed from the activists and incorrectly informed about the reasons for the delay in considering this issue at the regional committee bureau. When discussing this issue, in the order of the results of the activist, I considered it necessary and possible to point out the hesitations made by Daniyalov in assessing the movement of muridism and some erroneous provisions of his report.
Daniyalov shows nationalistic fluctuations in organizational and practical activities. This is reflected, first of all, in flirting with socially alien and politically dubious people. At the same time, in order to protect himself from criticism and to pursue his line in resolving major and fundamental issues, he inflicted reprisals on honest and principled people and placed people personally loyal to him in responsible positions. Through indulgences and handouts, glossing over and covering up the unworthy offenses of people who had been compromised and discredited in the past, he put them in a position of dependence on himself. At the same time, people who have the courage to objectively and boldly criticize his shortcomings and incorrect behavior are removed from work under various pretexts, he gathers around himself people who are servilely obedient to him, creates nepotism, sycophancy and servility, instills anti-party morals, and kills all initiative of party activists. As Chairman of the Council of Ministers, Daniyalov brought bourgeois-nationalist and politically dubious elements into responsible government positions and provides them with all possible support.
Feodayev Zagid at one time served as a member of a bourgeois-nationalist organization that was liquidated in Dagestan. In 1934, during the arrival of the enemy of the Tomsk people in Dagestan, Feodaev went hunting with him and was surrounded by him. With the assistance of Daniyalov, he was taken over as head of the Road Administration under the Council of Ministers and was a member of the government of Dagestan. After moving to the post of first secretary, Daniyalov supported him in every possible way. Feodayev carried out sabotage work in road construction, as a result of which the state suffered damages of over one and a half million rubles. In this regard, Feodayev’s behavior raised doubts and the commission that checked the work of the Road Administration gave a conclusion that it was impossible to keep Feodayev at this job. I raised the question with Daniyalov about removing him from his job. However, regardless of my opinion, Daniyalov left him at work until his arrest.
Aliyev Asadulla is a personal friend of Daniyalov and a relative of his wife. He was imprisoned for connections with bourgeois nationalists. His wife's brother Musaev Khalil fled to Germany in the first years of the revolution, studied with Hitler, and was a fascist by political convictions. During the war years he served in the North Caucasus National Committee. After his release from prison, with the assistance of Daniyalov, Aliyev Asadulla was appointed deputy. Minister of Agriculture, later chairman of the Andalal District Executive Committee, he was removed from this job as a result of the intervention of the Personnel Department of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks. Currently he works as the head of the political department of transhumance.
Ali Tamrinsky was once arrested as an active participant in a bourgeois-nationalist organization. During the Patriotic War, he carried out sabotage work in a partisan detachment, was captured by the Germans, and after a short period of detention, under dubious circumstances, was released by German intelligence agencies. At the request, he came to Dagestan and was appointed director of Dagtorg. Soon he was excluded from the party candidates by the Makhach-Kalinsk city committee of the CPSU (b). Daniyalov spent a long time trying to overturn the decision of the city committee and tried to influence the bureau of the regional party committee.
Magomedov R. Back in 1947, Daniyalov knew, according to MGB data, that Magomedov was a pupil of the enemy of the people, Takho-Gody. He himself is nationalistic and pursues this line in his books. It was also known that he, being the Minister of Education, ruined the work of the ministry and drew lines there to separate the Dagestan school from the Russian one. After his removal from work in the ministry, he, already, as the head of the Dagestan base of the Academy of Sciences, ruined the work of this institution, clogged it with socially alien and dubious people, pursued a bourgeois-nationalist line in developing issues of the history of Dagestan, created squabbles in the team, and allowed a rough suppression of criticism , was engaged in economic fouling, had serious official abuses. In the presence of all these comments and facts, Daniyalov stubbornly prevented his release from the leadership of the branch of the Academy of Sciences. Even after he was exposed as an ideologist and apologist for Shamil, Daniyalov rejected the question of bringing Magomedov to party responsibility at the regional committee bureau. Daniyalov also took an active part in promoting Magomedov’s doctoral dissertation, which he wrote from a bourgeois-nationalist position and contained numerous theoretical and political errors.
Kazhlaev N. Daniyalov’s connection with Kazhlaev N., who worked at the Main Oil Sales Service of the Ministry of the Oil Industry, raises great doubts. Close relatives of Kazhlaev during the establishment of Soviet power in Dagestan were active participants in the counter-revolutionary bourgeois-nationalist party “Milli Committee” and fought against Soviet power, and after the establishment of Soviet power they fled to Turkey and carried out work hostile to Soviet power (Magomed Kazhlaev, Badavi, Amentaev, Jamalutdin).
Kazhlaev’s uncle opened the “Dagestan” restaurant for the Germans in Kislovodsk during the war. Another uncle of Kazhlaev lives in Baku, a politically dubious man. In 1950, he came to Makhach-Kala twice and visited Daniyalov. Daniyalov once made a proposal to the bureau to award him the title of Honored Doctor in connection with the 30th anniversary of Dagestan. Daniyalov repeatedly tried to persuade me to agree to approve N. Kazhlaev as my first deputy. Kazhlaev was promoted to a leadership position in Moscow and had access to the Kremlin thanks to the assistance of Daniyalov.
Khashaev T. is a personal friend of Daniyalov, an informant and organizer of behind-the-scenes intrigues and combinations in favor of Daniyalov, a bourgeois-nationalist element who has compromised himself with unworthy behavior and official crimes (I have sent you a special note about Khashaev).
Rustamov T. constantly enjoys support from Daniyalov. Until 1949 he was an Iranian subject. His brother worked at the Iranian embassy, located in Makhach-Kala, and carried out espionage work for foreign intelligence. Currently located in Iran and carrying out work hostile to the Soviet Union. Rustamov hid all this when joining the party. In this regard, the Makhach-Kalinsky city committee removed him from work and expelled him from the ranks of the party. The regional committee bureau confirmed this decision, however, at the insistence of Daniyalov, this issue was discussed a second time at the regional committee bureau and, with my objection, he was reinstated in the ranks of the party. Rustamov, it turns out, once studied with Daniyalov and his wife’s girlfriend. Friendship in childhood and family ties turned out to be higher than Bolshevik party membership and adherence to principles.
Jafarov. By resorting to material services, Daniyalov lost his independence and became dependent on Jafarov. In 1937, Jafarov was arrested for sabotage activities in the Dagvintrest system, as a result of which he caused damage to the state in the amount of 4 million rubles. In recent years, by placing swindlers and thieves in financially responsible positions, he allowed 7 million rubles in embezzlement and theft. He was expelled from the ranks of the CPSU(b) 3 times and received 4 severe reprimands for offenses unworthy of a party member. He divorced his wife, a mountain woman with children, married the sister of the famous enemy of the people Tagiyev, all of whose relatives were repressed by the Soviet authorities. In the presence of all these facts, Daniyalov long time did not agree with me about the removal of Jafarov from the post of chairman of the Dagpotrebsoyuz. Moreover, using the support of Daniyalov, the unbelted Jafarov took the path of discrediting the government of Dagestan. So, at one of the meetings of the Council of Ministers, during the discussion of his issue, Jafarov expressed dissatisfaction with the Council of Ministers and pointedly left the meeting, immediately going to Daniyalov with a complaint against me. After my insistent demand, Jafarov was removed from his job. However, Daniyalov first made a proposal to approve him as chairman of the Leninsky District Council, but, without receiving support from me, after some time, despite my objections, Jafarov was approved as deputy in my absence. manager of Dagconservtrest, and there was no manager during the year. Currently, Jafarov is committing fraudulent schemes there. So, at the Blidzhinsky base, the son of a big fist, who had just served his sentence (he was in prison for 5 years), Abdullaev, was appointed head. The latter is caught sending apples to be sold for his own benefit.
Magomedov X. is the son of a large tenant; his father had several farm laborers. He hid all this from the party. For a long time he worked as Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers, he worked poorly and could not cope. He was sharply criticized in an editorial in the Izvestia newspaper on December 24, 1949. I have repeatedly raised the question with Daniyalov about removing Magomedov from his post as deputy. Chairman of the Council of Ministers. However, the release of Magomedov caused great resistance on the part of Daniyalov and dragged on for more than 2 years. The official proposal I made for Magomedov’s release was not submitted to the bureau for 6 months, trying in every possible way to persuade me to keep him at work. Finally, Magomedov’s release occurred with a scandal at the bureau. With my objection, he was approved by the first secretary of the Levashinsky RK of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) with the motivation to strengthen the leadership in order to be able to once again be nominated for republican work in the future.
Nakhushupov comes from a family of large merchants, was expelled from the party twice, and was arrested in 1937 as a member of a bourgeois-nationalist organization and a Trotskyist. However, Daniyalov used him as an assistant throughout the war years, exempted him from mobilization into the army, at his insistence he was accepted into the party, and subsequently nominated as head of the Department of the Council of Ministers and a member of the government. Daniyalov stubbornly did not agree to his release, finally I was forced to make an official submission, which Daniyalov also did not submit to the bureau for discussion for 5 months. Nakhushupov was released after I raised this issue with the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks).
During the war, Kulikov was the chairman of the Kizil-Yurt executive committee and was removed from this job and expelled from the party for stealing products from the partisan base. Kulikov submitted an application to leave him in the party in connection with his voluntary departure to the army. However, Daniyalov kept it in his deputy’s office. business manager. Upon his arrival in the regional committee, Daniyalov nominated him to manage the Dagestan office of Zagotzerno. Kulikov provided him with great services in building a dacha and supplying the family with food.
It would be possible to cite a number of other facts about Daniyalov’s patronage and support of compromised and discredited people (Ragimov - Dagvintrest, Zulpukarov - head of the regional committee department, Guseinov - Dagpotrebsoyuz, Razbitsky - Ministry of Agriculture, Murgalov - Maslorybtrest, etc.). Along with the patronage and support of socially alien and dubious people, Daniyalov pursued a policy of beating up honest and loyal personnel who did not obey him and did not succumb to his influence.
In 1942, due to the approach of the front, an extremely difficult situation was created in Dagestan; banditry in the regions became widespread. During this period, at the suggestion of L.P. Beria and M.D. Bagirov, by decision of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, a group of responsible workers came to Dagestan, many of them were native Dagestanis. In leading positions in Dagestan, they honestly and faithfully justified the trust placed in them by the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks. Daniyalov, however, carried out reprisals against these cadres, taking the path of their survival from the republic, creating for them unbearable conditions of nervousness and uncertainty. Aliyev, who was then working as the first secretary of the regional committee, followed Daniyalov’s lead, protecting himself from conversations that he was relying on the brought personnel. These include t.t. Bagirov M., Akhmedov, Shakhmardanov, Kukhmasov, Agaev, Gildiev and others. The beating also took place among personnel of Russian nationality. Yakovlev (now secretary of the Kyrgyz Central Committee), Sukhinin (now secretary of the Khabarovsk regional committee), Mikhailov, Fedorov, Matrosov, Tamanov, Vbitenko and others left Dagestan at the same time. True, some of them were recalled by the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, but this was a forced action from their side.
Daniyalov showed quarrelsomeness and a non-partisan attitude towards Comrade Comrade. Yarygin, Matyushin - Complete. CPC under the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks for Dagestan, Afonin (now secretary of the Tyumen regional committee), Kalininsky (former minister of state security), Tronin (former secretary of the regional committee, now a student at the Academy of Social Sciences), Saenko (former secretary of the city committee). All these comrades followed a principled line in their work and criticized Daniyalov’s incorrect behavior and personal shortcomings. In front of the activists, Daniyalov became, in a way, a hero for beating up cadres who disobeyed him, which instills fear in the activists and has a restraining effect on the development of criticism in the party organization. A restraining circumstance in the development of criticism is the fact that many non-party offenses committed by Daniyalov, and facts that discredit him as a party leader, remain unanswered. You can point out some of them.
Daniyalov's uncle Alirgamzaev led an active struggle against Soviet power during the civil war. The brother of Daniyalov's wife's mother was seized in 1937 as an anti-Soviet element and died in prison (Zagid Inkov). Another uncle of Daniyalov’s wife, Inkov Akhta, had a merchant-kulak farm and several shops in the mountains. Buinaksk, died in the first years of the revolution. The brother of Daniyalov’s wife, Dibirov Parukh, was held captive by the Germans; at Daniyalov’s request, he was released from repatriation; upon his return, he lived in Daniyalov’s apartment for a long time, after which he went to study in Tbilisi.
In 1949, the wedding of this repatriate took place, where many senior officials went with their wives, including the second secretary of the regional committee, Shestakov, who hurt his leg and lay there for a long time after that.
At Daniyalov’s apartment, under mysterious circumstances, the sister of Daniyalov’s wife committed suicide. There are different assumptions on this matter. Some say she became pregnant from Daniyalov, while others say that she knew too much about Daniyalov’s dark affairs during the war. Another sister died no less mysteriously soon after. She fell ill, but instead of being treated, she was sent to the area where she died.
During the war, Daniyalov’s wife engaged in defeatist talk and this was the subject of discussion in the regional committee. She has a very great influence on Daniyalov, holds him in tenacious hands, is aware of party secrets, and essentially dictates the line of the regional committee, especially in matters related to the placement of personnel. He unceremoniously interferes in the affairs of the regional committee and the Council of Ministers. He moves among the wives of socially alien and dubious persons.
In 1947-1948 some senior officials allowed petty-bourgeois manifestations, engaging in economic fouling and construction of dachas. Some of them were punished, and Daniyalov, who spent 300 thousand, managed to hide it from the CCP under the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks. He also hid the fact that he financed the construction of all the dachas and made illegal expenses in the amount of about 2 million rubles.
Brother Daniyalov’s behavior is completely intolerable. In 1945, being the secretary of the Gunibsky RK of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, he beat the head of the RO Ministry of Internal Affairs Abasov. As chairman of the executive committee of the Khunzakh region, he cohabited with the wife of a front-line soldier and had a child. In order to better accommodate his brother, at the insistence of Daniyalov, the regional committee made two erroneous decisions. The first is the release of Gabibov - the polminzag and the approval of brother Daniyalov to this position, the second is the release of Hasanov - deputy. Minister of Internal Affairs and the approval of brother Daniyalov. Both decisions were canceled after the intervention of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks following complaints from Hasanov and Gabibov. Daniyalov's brother actively interferes in the affairs of the regional committee and behaves like the second secretary of the regional committee.
The selection and placement of personnel is carried out not for political and business reasons, but is guided mainly by friendly and friendly considerations. As a result, an intolerant atmosphere of sycophancy, servility and mutual responsibility has developed, which are not conducive to the development of criticism and self-criticism. This affected, first of all, the regional committee bureau. The atmosphere for criticism has not been created in the bureau; the members of the bureau do not show adherence to principles and do not correct Daniyalov’s mistakes, knowing that he displays an intolerant attitude towards criticism. Having imagined himself independent from the party organization, which invested him with confidence, he boasts of his position, shows arrogance, swagger and self-satisfaction. I stopped critically checking myself and my work, and understanding my own mistakes.
The role of the regional committee bureau as a body of political leadership was diminished, because Daniyalov managed to sneak into the bureau the people who were personally sold to him, obediently obedient (Shamkhalov, Medzhidov, Magomedov, D. Guguchia).
Shamkhalov , as it turned out, being the head of the fuel industry department, embezzled 12 thousand rubles of public funds, and Daniyalov showed generosity at the expense of the state, illegally writing off this amount. Being the head industrial department of the regional committee, Shamkhalov took part in drinking parties organized by the former Minister of Food Industry Kalbanovskaya, who, taking advantage of the connivance of Damkhalov, allowed a huge theft and squandering of the state. alcohol, for which this woman was sentenced to 10 years in prison. Shamkhalov is financially connected with Jafarov and Ragimov, protects these unsuitable business executives and comes to their defense.
Medzhidov , being the Minister of Education, ruined this work and clogged the apparatus with alien, dubious people. During the war years, Deputy Daniyalov appropriated Chechen property. He once studied with Daniyalov, is personally devoted to him, behaves in front of him like an obedient child. At the suggestion of Mejidov, Karachiev and Isaev, who had serious comments and were unworthy of such a high honor, were nominated to deputies of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR.
In order to ensure a strong position and support from the Minister of State Security, a member of the bureau of the regional committee of Guguchia, Daniyalov glosses over and covers up serious mistakes and abuses committed by Guguchia.
Daniyalov knew that in the summer of 1949, in the presence of MGB officer Sharifov, Guguchia used methods alien to Soviet intelligence in relation to one prisoner, beat him and knocked out his teeth in order to obtain testimony that suited him. Sharifov was soon fired from his job for giving truthful testimony on this issue.
Daniyalov also knew that Guguchia at meetings of the Council of Ministers, and even at the bureau of the regional committee, showed tactlessness and rudeness, reaching the point of malicious and unfounded attacks and intimidation of government members. For example, the former Minister of Food Industry and before. The city executive committee accused Khrutsky of sabotage in the presence of everyone, and declared a member of the bureau, Markaryan, a troublemaker and a slanderer. They have acquired a lordly and disdainful attitude towards meetings of the Council of Ministers, and are often absent without permission or good reason. When approving nomenklatura employees, he suppresses the materials available on them, and presents them whenever he wants. For example, for deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers Taimurazov and head of the construction materials department Omarov presented incriminating materials after 5 months after their approval by the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks.
Daniyalov knows such a mocking attitude of Guguchiy towards his employees, on the basis of his quarrelsome dismissal of three deputies - Mezrugel, Kozhevnikov, Gniloshchupov, who revealed serious mistakes of Guguchiy, his dismissal of leading personnel of the ministry - Aziev, Aliyev, Medzhidov, etc., the facts of suppression of criticism in ministry Danilov silently blesses all this only because Guguchia supports him in all other matters. It is known that Danilov uses Guguchiy to collect materials on compromising people unsuitable for him (Aliev, Fataliev, Sultanakhmedov, etc.). At the same time, he covers up materials on people close to Daniyalov and on relatives of Daniyalov himself (Khashaev, Magomedov Kh. Zulfugarov, etc.). The activist is indignant that Danilov and Guguchia, under the guise of hunting, often go on pleasure walks, accompanied by drinking together.
The situation is aggravated by the fact that the second secretary of the regional committee, Shestakov, does not follow a principled line in his work, does not have his own personality, grovelingly pleases Daniyalov and his associates in everything, and keeps silent about the mistakes known to him. Shestakov once boasted that he worked with Rodionov (former chairman of the Council of Ministers of the RSFSR), almost he recommended him to the party.
Due to all these circumstances, there is no criticism in the bureau and Daniyalov, having the majority of bureau members obedient to him, pursues his own line when resolving fundamental issues. Daniyalov also pursues an incorrect, parochial and nationalist line in resolving issues of economic and cultural development (distribution of pastures, construction of new facilities, etc.).
In this regard, the following facts are characteristic: When he was rushing around with the project of the Avar Autonomous Republic, when distributing the former Chechen regions, he sought to resettle only the Avars and partly the Dargins, he liquidated the Lak ped. school and organized the second Avar ped. school. When distributing the lands of the stud farm, he insisted that 600 hectares be allocated to the collective farm named after. Chapaev, where he was born, and the Chokh collective farm (the native village of Daniyalov’s wife) occupies an area of more than three districts, there are also a number of other facts.
The methods of leadership are dominated by the ostentatious side, more of an administrator than an organizer and political leader. Allows the depersonalization and substitution of the Council of Ministers, regarding the manifestation of the slightest independence as a departure from party control and opposition to the regional committee, which leads to a belittlement of the role and responsibility of Soviet and economic bodies in solving economic and political problems facing the republic. Elements of trusteeship are degenerating into unacceptable methods of furnishing the leadership of the Council of Ministers with people who are ready to constantly inform it about my actions. My deputy, his childhood friend Arbuliev, plays a low role in this regard. Collegiality in the work of the bureau is violated; many issues of the life of the republic are decided individually, without consulting or taking into account the opinions of me and other members of the bureau (the creation of new regions, a letter to Comrade Stalin about providing assistance, the approval and release of leading personnel, etc.).
When discussing a number of fundamental issues, when I began to express my opinion, Daniyalov made rude and unfounded attacks that amounted to insults. So, in the presence of the regional committee secretary Alikber and scientific workers Magomedov, Emirov and Nazarevich, he addressed me: “Go to hell.”
In the presence of members of the regional committee bureau, due to disagreements on the issue of assigning a pension to the old party member Amirov, he went beyond what was permitted, stood up and frightened me with an inkstand. Daniyalov’s rudeness, tactlessness, arrogance and arrogance know no bounds; he often loses the ability to look at things calmly, objectively and thoughtfully, behaves extremely unobjectively and tendentiously towards people who do not obey him, and will definitely find a way to get rid of them. Where there are not enough facts and arguments, behind-the-scenes intrigues and base combinations come to his rescue in order to create a certain opinion. Resorting to anti-party techniques and methods, breaking party and Soviet laws, instilling fear and fear in the activists, gathering around himself personally loyal people, he created for himself a princely position in the republic.
Spraying himself on trifles, often dealing with issues related to the functions of Soviet organizations, he misses the main tasks and does not focus the attention of the party organization on resolving key and decisive issues of the republic’s economy.
The Dagestan Republic has a serious lag in the development of agriculture. A significant number of collective farms receive low incomes from year to year and give the collective farmers little bread and money for workdays. So in 1948, 63 collective farms, in 1949 - 54, in 1950 - 23 collective farms did not receive bread for their workdays. In 1948, 175, in 1949 - 278 and 1950 244 collective farms did not provide money for workdays. Little funds are allocated to the indivisible funds of collective farms, and the social economy of collective farms is poorly developed.
Instead of concentrating all efforts on eliminating such a serious backlog in agriculture, Danilov constantly diverts his attention to resolving prestigious issues, intrigues, behind-the-scenes and behind-the-scenes conversations, creating a whole circle of people involved in these matters.
The created intolerable situation has an extremely negative impact on the state of affairs in the republic and can lead to fraught consequences. In this regard, serious intervention by the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks is urgently needed.
Daniyalov, having worked for a long time as chairman of the Council of Ministers and secretary of the regional committee, placed people personally loyal to him in many responsible positions, flirts with national feelings, has extensive experience in beating honest and loyal people who do not obey him, and has the ability to wriggle out of any responsibility. Therefore, it is extremely difficult to clarify the true state of affairs.
In view of this, I would consider it necessary for the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks to seek the opinion of former members of the regional committee bureau who previously worked with Daniyalov and are now outside the republic (I mean members of the bureau who have not compromised themselves, and preferably from among the Russian comrades).
The leaders of the Bolshevik Party, Lenin and Stalin, teach that a principled policy is the only correct policy. In resolving fundamental issues, agreements and compromises are unacceptable. Principles do not reconcile, but win.
The questions I have outlined are not questions of a personal nature and do not arise from personal disagreements and relationships with Daniyalov, but are questions of a fundamental nature related to the life of the party organization as a whole.
I am deeply confident that I am right, and therefore, despite the complexity of the situation and regardless of the fact that I do not have support from the members of the bureau, I decided not to betray my party duty - Bolshevik integrity.
I would also consider it necessary that workers of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, already misled by Daniyalov and having a preconceived opinion about the situation in Dagestan, should not be involved in the verification of these facts.
Chairman of the Council of Ministers and member of the Bureau
Dagestan Regional Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (b) AIDINBEKOV S.M.
05/24/1951
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