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Disarmament of PKK; What's really going on?

In general, is the PKK being disarmed or armed? Can the PKK issue be addressed in relation to Turkey alone, or is it just a small part of the bigger picture?  

Although PKK's "laying down of arms" is a development the importance of which cannot be underestimated for Turkey, if we leave aside the government's tactic of recovering its lost power from Kurdish voters,  the question of the extent to which this (disarmament) is widespread, or rather if it is possible, is an important question that can affect both Turkey and the Middle East, and indirectly Iran, the Caucasus, and Central Asia, that is, the transition to a multipolar world order. The Kurdish population, which has a presence that extends to Turkey, Iraq, Syria, and Iran, and to some extent even to the Caucasus, and local movements in which are mostly extensions of the PKK, have an important force to be reckoned with. 

The fact that 30 "guerrillas" laid down their arms is a symbolic demonstration, does not and cannot give any information about the pro-Turkey, pro-US-Israel, pro-independence and similar alignments within the PKK, and the distribution of power of these alignments, which ones have laid down their arms which ones have not. In other words, although the political development in question is related to Turkey in particular, a correct analysis cannot be made without considering the developments in an integrated manner with their dialectical external connections in general. Political developments of this nature are developments that are a part of the whole and cannot be handled independently of the conflicts of interest and wars that continue in the current period. This development is somehow linked to geopolitical conflicts around the world, from the ongoing Ukraine war to the dismemberment of Iran, the containment of Russia, and the prevention of China's development. Because such an "event" is not an "event" that develops "spontaneously", but is "developed" and applied to life in the interests of one or more groups of larger state powers involved in these conflicts. The narratives that it is the "free will" of PKK is a total nonsense. "Determinism," said Lenin, "sweeps narrow-minded morality off its feet. Determinism, which assumes the necessity of human practice and rejects the absurd fable about free will, in no way destroys human reason, conscience, or the evaluation of human practices. On the contrary, only the deterministic view makes a strict and accurate evaluation possible, instead of attributing everything to free will." *

In other words, it would be the biggest mistake that can be made to deal with the developments related to  PKK mainly  within Turkey and in the context of Turkey, solely in its particular, detached from its dialectical context, from its  general implications. Likewise, it would be a wrong approach to ignore historical developments of and treat the PKK as a movement with a homogeneous structure, without differences of opinion and deep different alignments within. The character of the PKK related developments in Turkey cannot be considered in isolation from the developments outside (Iran, Syria, Iraq). It will be an inevitable result that an analysis that sets out from the wrong foundation and from its dialectical connections will reach the wrong conclusions, or it will not be able to overcome the character of being subjective verbiage about its implications for Turkey in particular. The part can never be considered as detached from the whole, because the part will undergo constant change depending on the changes in the whole.

It is impossible to make an objective assessment without having concrete data on these issues yet. What can be done is to make  predictions by looking objectively at the history and development of the PKK and by looking at the developments both in particular and in general. This prediction will certainly not be absolute, but will be variable depending on the changes in the region and the world. 

Without going too deep, it seems that this "demonstration of peace" and "disarmament" finds itself in two aims. First, internally, fundamentally, the fact that the government in Turkey is gradually declining at the grassroots, its declining approval, and the possibility of losing the next elections, thus it is a  balancing policy and practice with the expected votes of Kurdish voters or a partnership with the Kurdish bourgeois party. Secondly, it is related to Turkey's very dangerous policy and practice on the Zangezur Canal project, which will be the transit from Azerbaijan to Central Asia, and its being in line with the interests of the US-West and Israel as a foreign policy.(1) Because this project is profoundly in line with the strategic plans of the US-West and Israel, aiming  to create a new front and proxy wars in the underbelly of Russia and the north of Iran, and to weaken Russia and Iran.  The alignment of Kurdish formations according to the regions they are in, may make a ground attack against Iran possible, as well as it may  initiate the sparks of a war between Turkey and Iran due to the Zangezur Canal. This self-interested theater game of "peace" and "disarmament" by the government in Turkey may bring results that could set the region on fire, as well as bring about a conflict with Russia.

Neither Russia nor Iran can remain silent and  benefit from a proxy war in the Caucasus but US-West-Israel does. And dialectically, dependent on that problem, neither China nor North Korea can afford to let Iran be defeated and dismembered, and they cannot remain silent in the face of such a development. In this sense, Turkey's "peace" policy and the theater play of "disarmament" is  a very dangerous development that may bring about  extensive "armament" in the final analysis.

 A Brief Overview of PKK History

Although the PKK has remained essentially the same as a bourgeois-democratic movement since its inception, it has gone through many stages in its perspectives and approaches since 1970s. The 1970s' Marxist Leninist assessment of the PKK was widely known at the time which stated that  "the PKK was created through fighting against the democratic struggle, that is, against the left and those who lead this struggle", has had different characters in its forms during its long life. Pro-Turkish aligned Ocalan had insisted from the beginning that the policies he proposed would help Turkey grow its influence and power. In the summary of Garbis Altınoğlu, Apo stated in his "Defense” and “Defence on the Merits" that after the "resolve" of the Kurdish question, the power and possibilities of the Kurdish people and the PKK will be placed at the disposal of the Turkish ruling classes, so that Turkey will "gain the power to act as a leading country in the region", rise to a position of "leadership in the Middle East", and have the opportunity to "be effective from Central Asia to the Balkans and the Caucasus". In other words, he emphasized the "bourgeois" content of the "hostile-brothers", and proposed to "join hands". What was proposed "has nothing to do with the brotherhood of the working peoples, it was the brotherhood of the bourgeoisie that was proposed from the beginning.  This manifested itself clearly in the PKK's flirtation practices, sometimes with the Turkish bourgeoisie and other times with the US imperialists.

On December 22, 2018, Garbis Altinoglu wrote about the PKK's practice of flirting with the United States in his article "Walking with the United States". "Born as a national revolutionary movement," he said, "since the early 1990s, it has winked countless times at  the imperialist system, sometimes led by the United States, and sometimes at the reactionary cliques that rule Turkey, and has called for reconciliation and even integration with them again and again."

The PKK, which admitted in its founding documents, such as the pamphlet “The Path of the Kurdistan Revolution (Manifesto”), that the United States was the main enemy of the peoples of the world, later quietly changed this position and did not condemn the aggressive actions of the United States for a long time. (2)

"US imperialism, which entered the war at the last moment and did not suffer much due to its geographical position, also became a very powerful state because of the profiteering it made in the war. When the United States took over imperialism, it had to repair these ruined economies on the one hand, and in return protect the colonial legacy of capitalism." "(3)

On the contrary, in 2002 and early 2003, when millions of people participated in anti-war demonstrations in many countries of the world before the impending US attack  on Iraq, the  Kurdish national movement's silence on this issue, and even a demonstration in favor of intervention in Iraq in Brussels, was extremely instructive in terms of its approach to imperialism, military intervention, war and peace.  

In a letter to U.S. President Bill Clinton on October 13, 1995, Öcalan swore that they were not communists and  expressed his expectation that the peoples of the world would  provide peace, democracy, and stability  from their archenemy (5)

"I would like to undertake once again that our Party is  ideologically different from the classical communist parties, and that we do not have a persistent effort to change the current borders of Turkey and not necessarily to secede. We also reject all forms of terrorist activity. I would like to put an end to this painful situation of the Kurdish and Turkish peoples and convey that we, as the Party, are ready for a peaceful solution for the sake of peace and stability in the region. I sincerely believe that your support is very important to  stop the massacre of a people, to preserve their cultural identity, to win their democratic and political rights." (6)

In July 1999, Öcalan wrote in a letter to the Turkish state authorities to the prison administration which stated; "What I can do  is to put a stop to this trend, which has already exceeded the purpose of the PKK and has become a tool of great foreign power and self-interest... At the state level, it is more dangerous for foreign powers to use it, and it is rapidly moving towards that track." (11) Way before he stated that fact, 1990s, Marxist-Leninists in Turkey, taking  into account the alignments  within the PKK, made a revision in their assessments as follows: "The PKK, which came to existence through  fighting against the democratic struggle, that is, against the left and those who lead this struggle, at the current conjuncture not only its attacks against the democratic struggle and the left, but also the purpose of being used by foreign powers in the games played for both the Middle East and Turkey is  the reason for its existence".

The inevitable alignments (with foreign powers) within the PKK, which have not had a homogeneous structure both ideologically and practically since its inception, manifested itself in the process.

Addressing Öcalan's words above, Garbis Altınoğlu made the following comment;

"The PKK/KADEK administration's  inclination  into a 'collaborative Kurdish formation' in A. Öcalan's words, its determination that 'all strategic powers' (i.e. states such as the USA, Britain, Israel, Iran, etc., which are interested in the region)  have 'prepared plans to parcel out the PKK' apart from the initiative of the Turkish reaction, which speaks through its mouth, and A. Öcalan is silent about the US operation in Iraq, which the Turkish General Staff does not favor.  The fact that the PKK/KADEK administration fervently supports this and even demands a role in this operation, etc., are all signs of this alignment."  (7)

Garbis Altinoglu’s assessment that "this pro-US/pro-Turkey alignment within the PKK/KADEK/Kongra-Gel has never been definite and clear" was correct for the period he stated, and most importantly, he emphasized that there was an "alignment". Over time, this alignment began to manifest itself clearly. On January 19, 2003, two months before the U.S. attack on Iraq, Cemil Bayık, one of the leaders of the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) and KADEK (PKK), said in an  interview published in Ö. Politika:

 "The intervention of the United States in Iraq together with its allies will create new conditions throughout the region.  There  will be an opportunity to lead the Kurdish people's struggle to success," he said, adding, "In the period following the invasion of Iraq,  we  can say that this 'pro-US' approach has deepened and reached its peak." (7)

Not years, but months later, Garbis Altinoglu discussed the news titled "KADEK's Historical Move" in the August 9, 2003 issue of the same newspaper and said, "In the news,  this tactical approach  of the organization, which seems to have tied its rope to the rope of the USA,  is formulated in an even more striking way."

"According to the report, the resolution titled 'Democratic Solution for Peace' adopted at the meeting of the KADEK Enlarged Board of Directors held on 25-31 July 2003 stated:

"This revolutionary breakthrough that we have made in order to achieve the goal of a democratic solution will be successful with the efforts of our people, our cadres, our militant and warrior structure, and patriotic and democratic circles. The international community and democratic forces will value this and play their part in the success by offering their contribution. Outdated regimes and structures will become a thing of the past faster, and the victory will be for the democratic forces.

"The fact that the regimes are facing disintegration and the opposition is falling into a vacuum and is forced  has also created a broad front of reactionary resistance against the US intervention.

The U.S. intervention in the Middle East has the feature of being a dynamic of external change.  It  will see democratic development as indispensable, even on the basis of dependency. Therefore, overcoming the dominant status quo and replacing it with a democratic development is an urgent need for the restructuring of capitalism." (7)

KADEK portrayed US imperialism's attacks on the Middle East as "progressive", arguing that it would bring "democratic development" in Iraq, while describing the countries attacked by imperialism as a "reactionary resistance front". If we look at Iraq and Syria, history has proven how "accurate!" this description is.

The process of preparing the ground for the PKK's ideological approach to choosing sides to become a practice took a few months. In the article titled "Kongra-Gel Established" published in the November 16, 2003 issue of Ö. Politika, which reported the establishment of Kongra-Gel,  it was explained that the Declaration defined the puppet administration formed by the US occupiers as a force "in favor of democracy" and supported the US invasion of Iraq and that Kongra-Gel would act together with the US in "regulation", that is, occupation and intervention operations in the region. In the words of Garbis Altınoğlu:

"In the final declaration, which also touched upon the new situation in Iraq, it was stated that the Democratic Federal  Iraq is an important milestone in the development of democracy in the Middle East, and called on all parties, organizations and communities in favor of democracy, especially the interim administrative council, to meet and form an alliance on the denominator of democracy...

"In the declaration, which was also addressed to the United States, it was stated that it was positive for the United States to intervene in the Saddam regime and start a new process in the Middle East,  and that this approach could reach a constructive dimension with a permanent solution to the Kurdish problem. The declaration also  pointed out that the establishment of Kongra-Gel  will contribute to the US regulations for the region." (7)

Garbis Altinoglu, who discussed and examined the reactionary alignments within the PKK, made the following statement in support of his words, "It would not be an exaggeration to say that there is some kind of civil war between these two reactionary tendencies within the PKK/ KADEK/ Kongra-Gel, which cannot be considered as very covert." 

"The U.S. attack on Afghanistan in October 2001 after the September 11, 2001 attack, the revelation that it would attack Iraq and become a more or less permanent force in the region, brought the  PKK/KADEK administration closer to the U.S. and the KDP-PUK line, while the Turkish reaction – or a section of it – intensified its criticism of the PKK/KADEK through the mouth of A. Öcalan  . In this regard, I will present some of the many statements made by A. Ocalan.

In his article published in the November 9, 2001 issue of Ö. Politika, when it was discussed that Iraq would be on the agenda after the Afghanistan operation, A. Öcalan, while talking about these developments, equated the nationalism of the oppressor nation with the nationalism of the oppressed nation, as he often did, and even portrayed the nationalism of the oppressed nation as the main danger. He ignored the fact that, in Lenin's words, "the bourgeois nationalism of every oppressed nation" "has a general democratic content directed against oppression", and therefore criticized Kurdish nationalism from the point of view of Turkish reaction (7):

"Foreign powers, the United States, Britain will not leave this area, they will continue their games. The British have been playing since the 1920s and even the 1800s,  the game has been going on for two hundred years. Whoever plays will play, and the pumpkin will explode on the heads of the Kurdish and Turkish people again." He then condemned nationalism, which he described as "the disease of the age":

"The fake Kurds have not been able to get as far as their pursuit of nationalism. They ate, drank, practiced cultism and sheikhdom, and  they still continue. They made an agreement with the state, with the British, with the United States, for themselves, to keep their families alive. But the Kurds also have rights, laws, and democracy. They ignored them. The Kurdishness of the fake Kurds brings trouble..."

On October 13, 2002, A. Öcalan wrote in an article published in Ö. Politika:

"Barzani and Talabani are still playing the game of the British. The game that was played in the 1920s is wanted to be played again. We've got to break the game."

In two separate statements, published about two months after the US attack on Iraq, A. Öcalan would put these views even more strikingly, condemning the Barzani-Talabani line and defending the "Turkish-Kurdish alliance" against the "US-Kurdish alliance":

"Most importantly, there are two ways for Turkey. Behind the Kurds settled a great strategic power. Tanks were supplied with artillery. The U.S. is doing this on purpose. More will be given. You can take up arms as much as you want and defend your arguments with weapons,  you can say that you can develop Kurdish separatism as in Iraq, this is a dangerous path. It is a line that consumes peoples. It is a dangerous road, as is Israel-Palestine....

"They solved Iraq with the Kurds, tomorrow they will solve Iran with the Kurds, they will solve Turkey in the same way...

"We want unity and integrity on the basis of a democratic republic... Reassure the Turkish people. In fact, we have not been able to explain ourselves well to the people of Turkey in the past. We do not take a stand on the side of the United States. We take a stand on the side of the people of Turkey. Explain this well to the people and public opinion of Turkey." (8)

In another statement published a week later, Apo  said that it would not be the U.S.-British alliance that would bring democracy to the Middle East, but the peoples of the Middle East and  the Kurdish-Turkish alliance.

"The U.S. will not bring a British alliance. They will shape the Middle East in their own interests. The Arabs can't bring it either... Can Iran bring it? Neither can it. So who can do it? Kurdish-Turkish alliance will bring democracy... Neither chauvinistic Turkish nationalists nor primitive Kurdish nationalists understand this. There is a trend and tradition of democratization in Turkey. The Kurds also have it. I wanted to develop this with the PKK, but I couldn't quite succeed..."

The U.S. will try to bring Turkey into line with its Kurdish stick...

"KADEK enters the Kurdish parliament in the south. They give tanks and cannons. They also include members of the council. If it is in the interest of the United States, it will also establish a state. He can also leave it face down later. As a result, the peoples inherit badly." (9)

After the U.S. attack on Afghanistan on October 7, 2001, and at a time when it became clear that it would attack other Middle Eastern countries, especially Iraq, the PKK Party Assembly held its 5th Assembly in January 2002. The General Meeting was held. The final declaration of this meeting stated:

"Regardless of the methods of change,  the new international system, which will ultimately leave its mark on the 21st century,  will have a more democratic, peaceful and cooperative character in accordance with the global integration experienced by humanity in all areas..."

"It is clear that the struggle intensifying on Iraq has a regional and international character,  and it is a struggle between the old system and the new system, between the old status quo and the new status quo. In such a struggle, which will  try to create a solution by sharpening at the political and military level in the coming period, the place of our Party and our people will undoubtedly be on the front of change that  wants to create a new system, not on the old status quo front that denies the Kurds and wants to destroy them." (10)

Conclusion

As can be seen, the PKK's constantly changing opportunist policy has created the basis for alignments (with foreign powers) within, and these alignments have constantly manifested themselves as dependent on further developments. For this reason, the discourses, and practices of "peace with the PKK" and "the PKK lays down its arms" cannot have a holistic value that covers all regions and subsidiary organizations. This development  may have differences in each settlement region (Turkey, Iran, Iraq, Syria) in general, as well as in each specific one. Perhaps, in regions where tribal dominance is widespread, a positive or negative alignment will be more pronounced and one-sided. However, in regions where tribal dominance is not widespread, there is a high probability that the alignments will be different and multiple. Some will say "yes to peace" and "lay down their arms", while others will say "no" and hold on to their weapons. Undoubtedly, the forces behind these alignments, which are decisive in this, will be the determining factor. Those who are supported by Israel-Mossad, those who choose its side, will not lay down their arms, but will assume new responsibilities. Those who are backed by the U.S.-CIA, those who choose its side, will most likely join the Syrian government, and not lay down their arms, ostensibly in a blatant U.S. tactic.

Despite all the narratives of the United States, which no longer have any value and credit, there is no possibility of relinquishing its control of Syria's oil resources, and its never-ending and will never-end showdown with the Turkish government is too strategically important to allow the dissolution of its proxy forces in northern Syria. Since I do not know enough about those  who support Turkey, as far as I perceive,  the alignment may manifest itself in the form of shifting  both to the "left" and "to the right". However, apart from a handful of Marxist-Leninist parties and organizations in Turkey, the definition of "left" can distinguish itself from the "right" only in terms of "secularism", "rights", and "justice". I think Erdoğan government's expectation from this initiative is  to blur  this "right-left" difference even more and to maintain its power most likely by introducing "innovations" on these issues before the elections.

As a result, if we leave aside the positive aspects of it in Turkey, neither "peace" nor "disarmament" ,is a "positive development" that should  be exaggerated, but on the contrary, it is a development that could bring about the possibility of the PKK and its subsidiary organizations being dismembered by the supporting countries and used as a proxy force. As I mentioned in a previous article, the policy of the government in Turkey dancing between the two blocs in line with the interests of finance capital by ignoring the interests of the people is rapidly moving in a very dangerous direction for the peoples of both Turkey and the world. The "petty imperialist" dreams of the government in Turkey may push Turkey towards a very dangerous situation that exceeds the possibility of turning it into a new Ukraine. The "deal with the PKK" is part of Turkey's petty imperialist dreams. The steps taken in the direction of the "alliance" of Turkey, Armenia and Azerbaijan, the possibility of this and the calls of the Iranian and Iraqi Kurdish formations to the Azerbaijanis for "unity" and "alliance", Azerbaijan's assistance to Israel in the attack on Iran, the sudden tensions with Russia are not accidental and spontaneous developments. The alignment of the PKK in the context of the countries that support it by dividing it into fragments, the uncertainty about the attitude of the PKK affiliates in Iran and Iraq, the rumors circulating that preparations are being made for a land attack from Iraq to Iran, and the sudden emergence of the tension between Azerbaijan and Russia (and Iran) constitute a situation where a bomb ready to explode.

Especially if we take into account the historical fact that the U.S. is waging war by using the sons of other peoples without endangering its own soldiers, the delusional practices of Turkey, which is a NATO member and where there are U.S. bases, the so-called "disarmament " of the PKK, in essence, is the possibility of "arming through integrating"... These are indications that the government in Turkey is in the direction of taking steps that can bring about the disaster for the people of  Turkey and of all its neighboring peoples.

Erdogan A

12 June, 2025


Notes
* Lenin, What the ‘Friends of the People’ Are, And How They Fight the Social-Democrats,

(1) Erdogan A, where will the waves of U.S. decline lead Turkey; Continue the double play or patch it to one side?

(2) Garbis Altinoglu, Walking with  the USA

(3) Kurdistan Uprising Road (Manifesto), Colognes, Independent Publications, 1984, p. 73

(4) Garbis Altınoğlu, Kurdish Style Dance on the Middle East Stage

(5)  Garbis Altinoglu, Walking with the USA

(6) Ö. Politika, October 22, 1995

(7) Garbis Altinoglu, What Does Demir Küçükaydın Want to Do?

(8)  Ö. Politika, "If there is no dialogue, there will be losses",11 May 2003

(9)  Ö. Politika, , 18 May 2003

(10) Ö. Politika,  "New Step", February 6, 2002.

(11) Ö. Politika, , July 7, 1999

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