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From Vietnam to Iran; a comparison of China, Soviets-Russia, and North Korea’s involvements against US aggressive wars

 "An imperialist war does not cease to be imperialist when charlatans, or chatterboxes, or petty-bourgeois narrow-minded people throw out emotional 'slogans'." (Lenin) And, An anti-imperialist war does not cease to be anti-imperialist when charlatans, chatterboxes, or petty-bourgeois narrow-minded people throw out emotional slogans due to their subjectivity and/or flat-out pro-imperialist  stands. " the national movement of the oppressed countries should be appraised not from the point of view of formal democracy, but from the point of view of the actual results, as shown by the general balance sheet of the struggle against imperialism, that is to say, "not in isolation, but on a world scale. (Lenin)

There has been so many commentaries on the war of US-Israel genocidal fascist imperialist against Iran. Most of the Western and Western educated “leftist” commentaries had nothing to do with left but were all subjective, based on fantasies and wishful thinking especially when the issue was related to the stand and involvement of Russia, China and North Korea. Although the core reasons for their involvements in theoretical sense were different, in strategical-practical sense it has the same core reasons; question of existence.

Lets start from the US aggressive imperialist war against Vietnam in where millions of Vietnamese have been massacred. (Article is based primarily on Chinese, Vietnamese and Soviet historical sources, excluding Western narratives.)

Vietnam War (1965–1975) – Involvement of the Soviet Union, China, and North Korea

North Korea’s direct involvement in Vietnamese anti-imperialist war has long been obscured by the West consciously as a part of their anti-propaganda, however, later confirmed especially by US and Vietnamese archives.

North Korea’s  Air force combat deployment during 1966–1967 is a significant proof of its direct involvement. North Korea deployed  87 pilots (203rd Fighter Aviation Regiment) flying MiG-17s, based at Gia Lam, Hanoi. They trained Vietnamese pilots and directly engaged US aircraft. According to US records, North Korean pilots shot down 26 US warplanes; several North Koreans were killed.

Kim Il-sung reportedly said: “Treat Vietnamese skies as our own, treat Hanoi as Pyongyang, treat President Ho Chi Minh as our own leader.”

North Korea deployed 800+- specialists, including psychological warfare and tunnel warfare experts. They passed on their combat experience from the Korean War to Vietnamese fighters. Over 80 North Koreans died in Vietnam.

It’s material aid exceeds US$50 million in cash, plus artillery, trucks, and uniforms.

Soviet Union was a “backstage supporter” rather than a direct combatant. No Soviet combat units were deployed to Vietnam.

Soviet Military aid scale (1965–1973)

Over US$2 billion in military aid, plus 1 billion rubles in economic aid. From 1965 to 1975, the USSR supplied over 510,000 tons of military equipment, a major share of the total socialist aid which is approx. 2.4 million tons.

High-end weapons: 316 aircraft, 23 SA-75M (SA-2) air defense systems, two regiments of S-125 systems, 687 tanks, over 70 naval vessels.

In the 1972 “Điện Biên Phủ in the air” campaign, Soviet-supplied SA-2 systems shot down 15 US B-52 bombers using 1,240 missiles – nearly all from the USSR.

By 1968, Soviet aid accounted for 50% of total socialist aid to North Vietnam, surpassing China’s contribution.

Its indirect involvement was related to  Political and strategic backing especially during the Sino-Soviet split. Soviets coordinated aid from Eastern European allies (Czechoslovakia, Poland, East Germany, etc.).

China’s involvement was the most direct, comprehensive, and sustained among socialist allies, including large-scale combat troops.

Between 1965–1975 over 320,000 People’s Liberation Army personnel served in North Vietnam as anti-aircraft, engineering, railway, and construction units.

Anti-aircraft forces made up of  16 divisions, 63 regiments, exceeding 150,000 men. During which they had 2,153 engagements, 1,707 US aircraft shot down, 1,608 damaged.

China repaired 1,778  railway sites, 577 km of new/upgraded rail, 1,206 km of roads, 305 bridges, two airfields with hardened aircraft shelters, 239 tunnels (over 25 km), nine wharves, 15 submarine cables. During this period China cleared 42 mines, opened Haiphong and other ports.

As for material aid China supplied 1.6 million tons of supplies, total value over US$20 billion. Supplied military hardware (1965–1976) worth RMB 4.26 billionenough to equip over 2 million troops.

It is important to note that during the anti-French war China was the sole military supplier to the Viet Minh, providing all weapons and ammunition.

As Indirect involvement China Provided transit for Soviet and other aid through Chinese territory.  Trained Vietnamese military personnel.

Chinese casualties in Vietnam war is stated as : 1,100 killed, 4,200 seriously wounded.

 Iran War (2024–2026) – Involvement of China, Russia, and North Korea

North Korea has been a key “teacher” for Iran’s missile program, with deep technical cooperation. Its direct involvement first and foremost is related to the  Missile technology origin of Iran. Iran’s early ballistic missile programs relied on North Korean support.

The “Shahab” series was assembled with North Korean assistance.  The “Hwasong-5/6” formed the basis for Iranian copies.  Iran’s “Shahab-3” (medium-range ballistic missile) was derived from North Korea’s “Nodong.”  Iran’s “Khorramshahr” missile is linked to North Korea’s “Musudan.”

Missiles Iran fired at Israel in 2026 are suspected to contain North Korean-made parts or technology.

Its indirect involvement is more related to diplomacy and political policy like  high-level visits like  North Korea’s Minister of External Economic Relations Yun Jong-ho’s visit of Iran which is rare and seen as evidence of deepening military cooperation.

North Korea-Russia-Iran the “Triangular military circle” a strategic alignment against the US with their  growing coordination in ballistic missile and loitering munition technology is an unspoken concern of the US.

Russia

Russia is the most substantial military supporter of Iran in this conflict. While US forces “block” Iranian ports, Russia and Iran maintain a steady flow of military and commercial goods via the Caspian Sea – a “geopolitical black hole” inaccessible to US/NATO naval forces without violating the sovereignty of littoral states.

Russia supplies drone parts to help Iran rebuild its drone force, which has lost an unknown percentage of its inventory. Over the past six months, Iran has sent Russia over 300,000 artillery shells and 1 million rounds in exchange for Russian advanced air defense systems and technology.

Russia reportedly supplied Man-portable air defense systems (MANPADS). According to a  secret December 2025 agreement for 500 Verba MANPADS and 2,500 missiles, to be delivered 2027–2029. Reportedly, Russia transfers captured Western weapon components in Ukraine to Iran.

As for short and long term indirect involvement, the joint naval exercise “CASAREX 2025” (in name a search-and-rescue drill) to solidify Caspian military dominance and long-term development of a 7,200 km trade corridor from the Baltic to the Indian Ocean, bypassing Western-controlled routes are good examples.

 

China

China’s involvement is characterized by strategic ambiguity; official denial, but US allegations of technology and component transfers. Chinese Ambassador to the US Xie Feng called reports of Chinese military aid to Iran “fake news” aimed at smearing China and provoking Sino-US confrontation. China states it “stands firmly on the side of peace” and promotes ceasefire talks.

However China has a history of selling or transferring technology for C-802 anti-ship missiles, C-701 missiles, M-7 ballistic missiles, and drone technology (some of which is believed to have influenced Iran’s “witness” drones). The US Treasury and State Department have sanctioned several Chinese mainland and Hong Kong companies for allegedly helping Iran obtain weapon parts and satellite imagery. China denies these allegations, yet orders the companies to disregard the US sanctions.

Iran supplies China with oil, including for strategic reserves, providing economic resilience. China with the new Iran-China railway supplies Iran its consumer and other needs to keep the economy afloat.

Key difference is that in Vietnam, socialist allies (especially China and North Korea) fought alongside Vietnamese forces. In the Iran War, support is indirect, covert, or technological – no known foreign combat troops have entered Iran.

Based on available information, the involvement of foreign experts in Iran is not a matter of probability in some cases, it is a confirmed reality.

The likelihood of Russia, China, and North Korea sending expert professionals to train Iranian personnel varies significantly by country.

As for Russia the deployment of Russian specialists and comprehensive training is a confirmed pattern, not just a probability. Evidence includes visits by missile and air defense specialists and confirmed plans from leaked Russian intelligence to train Iranian crews on advanced drones. Russia's extensive military experience and deep strategic alignment with Iran make this their primary support method.

The probability of China sending official state experts is low, minimal or extremely covert. China's official stance is one of non-involvement, with its Ministry of National Defense denying providing defense systems or drones to Iran and cautioning against the spread of misinformation. While there are unconfirmed reports of a "special action group" and Iranian claims of a "counter-espionage team" in 2015, and a phenomenon of Chinese STEM-educated civilians volunteering online strategies, there is no evidence of Chinese state-sanctioned experts on the ground.

The deployment of North Korean experts to train Iranian personnel is highly likely, consistent with their decades-long, direct collaboration. Reports indicate that engineers and specialists travel between the two countries to exchange knowledge, with North Korean experts having helped design Iran's underground "missile cities". Unlike China's cautious approach, North Korea operates as an active partner, providing weapons systems, technology, engineers, and underground facility expertise, and even building missile test facilities inside Iran.

The claim that North Korea heavily assisted Iran with building its underground facilities is highly credible and well-documented, representing a cornerstone of their strategic alliance.

North Korea has essentially handed Iran the blueprint for its own survival. Iran's "missile cities", vast tunnel networks, bunkers, and launch sites buried deep within mountains; all are directly based on North Korean models. The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC)'s missile sites have been created using North Korean blueprints, with their experts helping Iran build them. This expertise includes multi-layered rock protection, the use of decoys, and extensive tunnel systems.

North Korea’s decades-long assistance has proven crucial to Iran's defense, creating a "hardened" and redundant infrastructure. By housing production, storage, and launch capabilities within resilient mountain bases connected by rail, Iran's arsenal can survive sustained bombing campaigns and remains a potent threat, as evidenced by reports that 91% of its missile facilities along the Strait of Hormuz were restored after heavy airstrikes.

Conclusion

Iran war is a sharp geopolitical question. For Russia and North Korea, Iran is already functioning as an indirect existential buffer. For China, it is potentially existential depending on how the conflict escalates.

An “existential threat” means a threat to the survival of the regime, state, or its core strategic interests. An indirect existential threat means that if Iran falls completely (regime collapse, military defeat, or forced surrender to US/Israeli demands), the consequences for the supporting power would be so severe that they could undermine that power’s own survival or grand strategy.

For Russia, Iran is already an existential necessity, not merely indirect. Russia is fighting a protracted war in Ukraine against a US-led NATO arsenal. Iran provides Russia with thousands of Shahed drones, artillery shells, and missile technology. Without Iran, Russia’s offensive and attrition capabilities would degrade significantly. A defeated Iran would mean the collapse of that supply line.

Russia uses the Caspian to move weapons to Iran and receive Iranian shells. If Iran fell, US/NATO influence would reach Russia’s southern soft underbelly (the Caucasus and Central Asia). That would be a strategic encirclement worse than NATO’s eastward expansion.

Russia defines itself as an anti-US great power. Losing Iran would be a catastrophic defeat in that global contest – comparable to losing Syria but far larger. Russian military planners explicitly see Iran as a “forward defense” of Russia’s southern flank. That’s why, Iran is not just an ally – it is a critical enabler of Russia’s own war effort and strategic depth. Its defeat would be directly existential.

For North Korea, Iran is existential via the “axis of resistance” theoretical logic and moral solidarity with anti-imperialist struggles.

North Korea’s own missile program (Hwasong, KN-23, etc.) has been refined through testing and cooperation with Iran. The two share data, components, and possibly test sites. If Iran’s missile infrastructure is destroyed, North Korea loses a crucial partner for troubleshooting and advancing its own systems; systems that are the backbone of its nuclear deterrent.

Both regimes face the same existential threat: US-led regime change. A US victory in Iran would free up American military, intelligence, and political resources to focus entirely on North Korea. The “Washington–Seoul–Tokyo” alliance would tighten. Iran’s survival ties down US assets in the Middle East – a classic “two-front” problem for the US.

North Korea’s leadership sees Iran as proof that anti-US resistance can survive decades of sanctions and military pressure. An Iranian collapse would be a crushing ideological blow, potentially emboldening South Korean hawks and weakening Pyongyang’s domestic legitimacy. That’s why  Iran’s defeat would directly accelerate pressure on North Korea itself. So while not immediate physical survival, it is existential in a strategic and temporal sense.

China is the most cautious and the least immediately dependent on Iran, but the “indirect existential” logic applies in two ways.

1- Energy and economic security

China imports a significant portion of its oil from Iran (often at discounted prices, using sanctions-bypassing mechanisms). However, China has diversified suppliers (Russia, Saudi, Iraq, Africa). Losing Iranian oil would hurt but not kill China’s economy. So not directly existential on energy grounds alone.

2- The broader US containment framework ; the core of the issue

Iran sits at the heart of the “Axis of Resistance” against US domination in West Asia. If Iran falls, the US will effectively control: Iraq, Syria (via proxies), the Gulf states, and Afghanistan’s backyard. That would complete a US arc from the Mediterranean to the Indian Ocean, directly flanking China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and its energy lifelines through the Strait of Hormuz. More importantly, a US victory in Iran would free the US military and intelligence apparatus to fully pivot to the Indo-Pacific; Taiwan, the South China Sea, and technology decoupling. Beijing’s worst nightmare is a US unencumbered by Middle Eastern quagmires.  China is also watching the precedent: if the US can topple Iran using Israel as a proxy without direct mass US troop deployment, that model could be applied to other “anti-US” regimes.

However, China has two buffers that Russia and North Korea lack. Its  economic integration with the US/West gives it leverage that Russia and North Korea do not have. It  has not (publicly) committed to Iran’s military survival;  it has officially stayed neutral.

Thus for China, Iran is not yet existential, but could become existential if the US wins decisively and then immediately pivots to containing China. Beijing is therefore assisting Iran just enough to keep the US bogged down, but not so much as to provoke direct confrontation.

For Russia and North Korea, Iran is already an indirect existential question; for China, it is a pre-existing condition that could become existential.

 For all three countries, the common thread is defeating US unipolarity. Iran is the central battlefield of that resistance today, much as Vietnam was in the 1960s–70s for all the same three countries.

Erdogan A
22 May, 2026

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