SOCIALISM AND WAR Chapter 3

LENIN
SOCIALISM    AND WAR 

CHAPTER III

THE RESTORATION OF THE INTERNATIONAL

How should the International be restored? But first, a few words about how the International should not be restored.

THE METHOD OF THE SOCIAL-CHAUVINISTS AND OF THE "CENTRE"

Oh, the social-chauvinists of all countries are big "internationalists"! Since the very beginning of the war they have been burdened with care for the International. On the one hand, they assure us that the talk about the collapse of the International is "exaggerated." Actually, nothing exceptional has occurred. Listen to Kautsky: simply, the International is a "peacetime instrument"; naturally, this instrument was found to be somewhat not up to the mark in wartime. On the other hand, the social-chauvinists of all countries have found a very simple -- and chiefly, an international -- way out of the situation that has arisen. A simple way out: it is only necessary to wait until the war ends; but until the war ends the Socialists of each country must defend their "fatherland" and support "their" government; when the war ends -- mutual "amnesty," admission that everybody was right, that in peacetime we live like brothers, but in wartime we -- on the basis of such and such resolutions -- call upon the German workers to exterminate their French brothers, and vice versa.

On this Kautsky and Plekhanov and Victor Adler and Heine are equally agreed. Victor Adler writes that "when we have passed through this hard time, our first duty will be to refrain from pointing to the mote in each other's eye." Kautsky asserts that "up till now no voices of serious Socialists have been heard from any side that rouse apprehensions" concerning the fate of the International. Plekhanov says that "it is unpleasant to grasp the hands" (of the German Social-Democrats) "that reek of the blood of the innocently killed." But he at once goes on to propose an "amnesty": "here it will be quite appropriate" he writes, "to subordinate the heart to the mind. For the sake of the great cause, the International will have to take into consideration even belated remorse." Heine, in Sozialistische Monatshefte describes Vandervelde's behaviour as "courageous and proud," and sets him up as an example for the German Lefts.

In short, when the war ends, appoint a commission consisting of Kautsky and Plekhanov, Vandervelde and Adler and a "unanimous" resolution in the spirit of mutual amnesty will be drawn up in a trice. The dispute will be safely covered up. Instead of helping the workers to understand what has occurred, they will deceive them with sham, paper "unity." The amalgamation of the social-chauvinists and hypocrites of all countries will be described as the restoration of the International.

We must not conceal from ourselves the fact that the danger of such a "restoration" is very great. The social chauvinists of all countries are equally interested in it. All of them are equally unwilling that the masses of the workers themselves should try to grasp the issue: Socialism or nationalism? All of them are equally interested in covering up each other's sins. None of them is able to propose anything except what is proposed by that virtuoso in "international" hypocrisy, Kautsky.

And yet, this danger is scarcely realized. During the year of war we have witnessed a number of attempts to restore international connections. We will not speak of the conferences in London and Vienna, at which downright chauvinists assembled to help the General Staffs and the bourgeoisie of their "fatherlands." We have in mind the conferences in Lugano[14] and Copenhagen,[15] the International Women's Conference,[16] and the International Youth Conference.[17] These assemblies were inspired by the best wishes. But they totally failed to see the above-mentioned danger. They did not lay down a fighting line for internationalists. They did not point out to the proletariat the danger that threatens it from the social-chauvinists' method of "restoring" the International. At best, they confined themselves to repeating the old resolutions without indicating to the workers that unless a struggle is waged against the social-chauvinists, the cause of Socialism is hopeless. At best they marked time.

THE STATE OF AFFAIRS AMONG THE OPPOSITION

There can be no doubt whatever that what interests all internationalists most is the state of affairs among the German Social-Democratic opposition. Official German Social-Democracy, which was the strongest and the leading party in the Second International, struck the heaviest blow at the international workers' organization. But at the same time, it was in German Social-Democracy that the strongest opposition was found. Of all the big European parties, it was in the German party that the loud voice of protest of the comrades who have remained loyal to the banner of Socialism was first raised. It was with joy that we read the magazines Lichtstrahlen and Die Internationale. With still greater joy we learned of the distribution in Germany of secretly printed manifestoes, as for example the manifesto entitled: "The Chief Enemy Is at Home." This showed that the spirit of Socialism is alive among the German workers, that there are still people in Germany capable of upholding revolutionary Marxism.

The split in the present-day socialist movement has been most strikingly revealed within German Social-Democracy. Here we very distinctly see three trends: the opportunist chauvinists, who have nowhere sunk to such a degree of renegacy as they have in Germany; the Kautskyan "Centre," which has here proved to be incapable of playing any other role than that of servitors of the opportunists; and the Left -- who are the only Social-Democrats in Germany.

Naturally, what interests us most of all is the state of affairs among the German Left. In it we see our comrades, the hope of all the internationalist elements.

What is the state of affairs in it? The magazine Die Internationale was quite right when it wrote that the German Left was still in a state of ferment, that considerable regroupings still lie ahead in it, that there are more resolute and less resolute elements within it.

We Russian internationalists do not in the least, of course, claim the right to interfere in the internal affairs of our comrades the German Lefts. We are aware that they alone are fully competent to determine their methods of fighting the opportunists in conformity with the conditions of time and place. Only, we deem it our right and duty frankly to express our opinion on the state of affairs.

We are convinced that the author of the leading article in the magazine Die Imernationale was profoundly right when he asserted that the Kautskyan "Centre" is doing more harm to Marxism than avowed social-chauvinism. Whoever now obscures disagreements, whoever now, in the guise of Marxism, preaches to the workers what Kautskyism is preaching, is lulling the workers, is more harmful than the Sudekums and Heines, who put the question bluntly and compel the workers to try to grasp the issue.

The fact that Kautsky and Haase are permitting themselves lately to demur against the "official bodies" should mislead nobody. The disagreements between them and the Scheidemanns are not on fundamentals. The former believe that Hindenburg and Mackensen are already victorious and that they can already permit themselves the luxury of protesting against annexations. The latter believe that Hindenburg and Mackensen are not yet victorious and that, therefore, it is necessary "to hold out to the end."

Kautskyism is waging only a sham fight against the "official bodies" precisely in order to be able, after the war, to obscure the fundamental dispute for the workers and to gloss the matter over with the 1,001st puffy resolution couched in a vaguely "Leftist" spirit, in the drafting of which the diplomats of the Second International are such masters.

It is quite understandable that in their arduous struggle against the "official bodies" the German opposition should also make use of this unprincipled opposition raised by Kautskyism. But what must remain the touchstone for every interna-tionalist is -- hostility towards neo-Kautskyism. Only he is a genuine internationalist who fights Kautskyism, who under stands that, fundamentally, the "Centre," even after the sham turn taken by its leaders, remains an ally of the chauvinists and opportunists.

Of enormous importance is our attitude towards the wavering elements in the International in general. These elements -- mainly Socialists of the pacifist shade -- are to be found both in the neutral countries and in some of the belligerent countries (in England, for example, the Independent Labour Party).[18] These elements can be our fellow travellers. Rapprochement with them in opposition to the social-chauvinists is necessary. But it must be borne in mind that they are only fellow travellers, that on the chief and fundamental issues, with the restoration of the International, these elements will go not with us, but against us, they will go with Kautsky, Scheidemann, Vandervelde and Sembat. At international conferences we must not limit our programme to what is acceptable to these elements. If we do, we will become the captives of the wavering pacifists. This is what happened, for example, at the International Women's Conference in Berne. The German delegation, which supported Comrade Clara Zetkin's point of view, actually played the part of the "Centre" at this conference. The Women's Conference said only what was acceptable to the delegates from the opportunist Dutch party led by Troelstra, and to the delegates of the Independent Labour Party, which -- we will not forget this -- at the London conference of "Entente" chauvinists voted for Vandervelde's resolution. We express our greatest respect for the I.L.P. for the brave struggle it has been waging against the British government during the war. But we know that this party has not adopted the Marxist stand. We, however, are of the opinion that the chief task of the Social-Democratic opposition at the present moment is to raise the banner of revolutionary Marxism, to tell the workers firmly and definitely how we regard imperialist wars, to issue the watchword of mass revolutionary action, i.e., transform the epoch of imperialist wars into the beginning of the epoch of civil wars.

In spite of everything, there are revolutionary Social-Democratic elements in many countries. They are to be found in Germany, and in Russia, and in Scandinavia (the influential trend of which Comrade Hoglund is the representative), and in the Balkans (the party of the Bulgarian ''Tesnyaki''),[19] and in Italy, and in England (a section of the British So cialist Party),[20] and in France (Vaillant himself has admitted in L'Humanitéthat he has received letters of protest from internationalists, but he has not published one of them in full), and in Holland (the Tribunists ),[21] etc. To rally these Marxist elements -- however small their numbers may be at the beginning -- to recall in their name the now forgotten words of genuine Socialism, to call upon the workers of all countries to break with the chauvinists and to come under the old banner of Marxism -- such is the task of the day.

Conferences with so-called programmes of "action" have amounted up till now only to the proclamation, more or less fully, of the programme of simple pacifism. Marxism is not pacifism. It is necessary, of course, to fight for the speediest termination of the war. But only if a revolutionary struggle is called does the demand for "peace" acquire proletarian meaning. Without a series of revolutions, so-called democratic peace is a philistine utopia. The purpose of a real programme of action would be served only by a Marxian programme, which gave the masses a full and clear explanation of what has occurred, which explained what imperialism is and how to combat it, which openly stated that it was opportunism that led to the collapse of the Second International, which openly called for the building of a Marxist International without and against the opportunists. Only such a programme as would show that we have confidence in ourselves, confidence in Marxism, that we proclaim a life-and-death struggle against opportunism would sooner or later ensure for us the sympathy of the genuine proletarian masses.

THE RUSSIAN SOCIAL-DEMOCRATIC LABOUR PARTY AND THE THIRD INTERNATIONAL

The Russian Social-Democratic Labour Party split away from its opportunists long ago. The Russian opportunists have now, in addition, bccome chauvinists. This only strengthens our opinion that a split from them in the interests of Socialism is essential. We are convinced that the Social Democrats' present disagreements with the social-chauvinists are in no way less wide than the Socialists' disagreements with the Anarchists when the Social-Democrats split away from the latter. The opportunist Monitor rightly said in Preussische Jahrbücher that the present unity was to the advantage of the opportunists and the bourgeoisie because it compelled the Lefts to submit to the chauvinists and prevents the workers from grasping the issue and from forming their own genuinely workers', genuinely socialist party. We are most firmly convinced that in the present state of affairs, a split from the opportunists and chauvinists is the primary duty of the revolutionary -- just as a split from the yellows, the anti-Semites, the liberal workers' unions, etc., was essential precisely in the interests of the speediest enlightenment of the backward workers and of drawing them into the ranks of the Social-Democratic Party.

In our opinion, the Third International should be built on precisely such a revolutionary basis. For our Party, the question as to whether it is expedient to break with the social-chauvinists does not exist. For it, this question has been irrevocably settled. The only question that exists for our Party is whether this can be achieved in the nearest future on an international scale.

It is quite understandable that to bring about an international Marxist organization, there must be a readiness to form independent Marxist parties in different countries. Germany, being the country with the oldest and strongest working-class movement, is of decisive importance. The immediate future will show whether conditions have already ripened for the formation of a new, Marxist International. If they have, our Party will gladly join such a Third International that will be purged of opportunism and chauvinism. If they have not, it will show that a more or less prolonged evolution is needed for this purging. In that case, our Party will be the extreme opposition within the old International -- until a base is formed in different countries for an international working men's association that stands on the basis of revolutionary Marxism.

We do not, nor can we, know, what developments will take place in the international arena within the next few years. But there is one thing we know for certain, and of which we are unshakably convinced, namely, that our Party, in our country, among our proletariat, will work tirelessly in the above-mentioned direction, and by all its daily activities will build up the Russian section of the Marxist International.

In Russia too we have no lack of avowed social-chauvinists and "Centre" groups. These people will fight against the formation of a Marxist International. We know that Plekhanov, in principle, stands on the same ground as Sudekum and is already stretching out a hand to him. We know that the so-called "Organization Committee" led by Axelrod is preaching Kautskyism on Russian soil. In the guise of working-class unity, these people are preaching unity with the opportunists and, through them, with the bourgeoisie. But everything we know about the present working-class movement in Russia fully convinces us that the class-conscious proletariat in Russia will, as hitherto, remain with our Party.

CHAPTER IV

THE HISTORY OF THE SPLIT AND THE PRESENT STATE OF SOCIAL-DEMOCRACY IN RUSSIA

The above-described tactics of the R.S.D.L.P. in relation to the war are the inevitable result of the thirty years' development of Social-Democracy in Russia. These tactics, and the present state of Social-Democracy in our country, cannot be properly understood unless one ponders over the history of our Party. That is why we must here too remind the reader about the major facts in this history.

As an ideological trend, Social-Democracy arose in 1883, when Social-Democratic views as applied to Russia were for the first time systematically expounded abroad by the Emancipation of Labour Group. Until the beginning of the nineties, Social-Democracy remained an ideological trend with no connection with the mass working-class movement in Russia. At the begnning of the nineties, the upswing of the social movement, the unrest and strike movement among the workers, transformed Social-Democracy into an active political force inseparably connected with the struggle (both economic and political) of the working class. And from that very moment Social-Democracy began to split up into "Economists" and "Iskra-ists."

THE "ECONOMISTS" AND THE OLD ISKRA[22] (1894-1903)

"Economism" was an opportunist trend in Russian Social-Democracy. Its political essence was summed up in the programme: "for the workers -- the economic struggle; for he liberals -- the politicai struggle." Its chief theoretical prop was so-called "legal Marxism" or "Struveism," which "recognized" a "Marxlsm" that was completely purged of every scrap of revolutionary spirit and was adapted to the requirements of the liberal bourgeoisie. On the plea that the masses of the workers in Russia were immature, and wishing to "march with the masses," the "Economists" restricted the tasks and scope of the working-class movement to the economic struggle and political support for liberalism, and did not set themselves independent political or any revolutionary tasks.

The old Iskra (1900-1903) waged a victorious struggle against "Economism" for the principles of revolutionary Social-Democracy. The entire flower of the class-conscious proletariat took the side of Iskra. For a number of years before the revolution Social-Democracy advocated the most consistent and uncompromising programme. Both the class struggle and the action of the masses during the 1905 revolution confirmed the correctness of this programme. The "Economists" adapted themselves to the backwardness of the masses. Iskra trained the vanguard of the workers that was capable of leading the masses forward. The arguments at present advanced by the social-chauvinists (that it is necessary to reckon with the masses, that imperialism is pro-gressive, about the "illusions" harboured by revolutionaries, etc.), had all been advanced by the Economists. The opportunist alteration of Marxism to the "Struveist" style became known to Social-Democracy in Russia twenty years ago.

MENSHEVISM AND BOLSHEVISM (1903-1908)

The epoch of bourgeois-democratic revolution gave rise to a new struggle between trends in Social-Democracy that was the direct continuation of the preceding struggle. "Economism" changed into "Menshevism." The championing of the revolutionary tactics of the old Iskra gave rise to "Bolshevism."

In the turbulent years of 1905-1907, Menshevism was an opportunist trend backed by the bourgeois liberals, and carried liberal-bourgeois trends into the working-class movement. Adaptation of the working-class struggle to liberalism -- such was its substance. Bolshevism, on the contrary, set the Social-Democratic workers the task of rousing the democratic peasantry for the revolutionary struggle despite the vacillation and treachery of liberalism. And the masses of the workers, as the Mensheviks themselves admitted more than once, marched with the Bolsheviks during the revolution in all the biggest actions.

The 1905 revolution tested, strengthened, deepened and steeled the uncompromisingly revolutionary Social-Democratic tactics in Russia. The open actions of classes and parties repeatedly disclosed the connection between Social-Democratic opportunism ("Menshevism") and liberalism.

MARXISM AND LIQUIDATIONISM (1908-1914)

The counter-revolutionary epoch again, in an entirely new form, placed the question of the opportunist and revolution ary tactics of Social-Democracy on the order of the day. The chief current of Menshevism, in spite of the protests of many of its best representatives, gave rise to the trend of liquidationism, renunciation of the struggle for a new revolution in Russia, renunciation of secret organization and activity, contempt for and ridicule of the "underground," of the slogan of a republic, etc.) The group of legal writers for the magazine Nasha Zarya (Messrs. Potressov, Cherevanin, and others) constituted a nucleus, independent of the old Social-Democratic Party, which in a thousand ways was supported, boosted and nursed by the liberal bourgeoisie of Russia which wanted to wean the workers from the revolutionary struggle.

This group of opportunists was expelled from the Party by the January Conference of the R.S.D.L.P., 1912[23] which restored the Party in spite of the furious resistance of a number of groups and coteries abroad. For more than two years (beginning of 1912 to the middle of 1914) a stubborn struggle raged between the two Social-Democratic parties: the Central Committee that was elected in January 1912 and the "Organization Committee" which refused to recognize the January Conference and wanted to restore the Party in a different way, by maintaining unity with the Nasha Zarya group. A stubborn struggle raged between the two daily workers' newspapers (Pravda and Luch[24] and their successors), and between the two Social-Democratic groups in the Fourth State Duma (the R.S.D.L. group of Pravdists, or Marxists, and the "Social-Democratic group" of the Liquidators headed by Chkheidze).

Championing loyalty to the Party's revolutionary principles, fostering the incipient revival of the working-class movement (especially after the spring of 1912), combining underground with open organization, press and agitation, the Pravdists rallied around themselves the overwhelming majority of the class-conscious working class, whereas the Liquidators -- who as a political force operated exclusively through the Nasha Zarya group -- leaned on the all-round support of the liberal-bourgeois elements.

The open financial contributions of workers' groups to the newspapers of the two parties, which was at that time a form of Social-Democratic membership dues adapted to Russian conditions (and the only one legally possible and freely verifiable by all), strikingly confirmed the proletarian source of the strength and influence of the Pravdists (Marxists) and the bourgeois-liberal source of that of the Liquidators (and their "O.C."). Here are brief figures of these contributions, which are given in full in the book Marxism and Liquidationism[25] and in an abbreviated form in the German Social-Democratic newspaper The Leipzig People's Paper[26] of July 21, 1914.

Number and amounts of contributions to the daily St. Petersburg newspapers, Marxist (Pravdist) and Liquidation ist, from January 1 to May 13, 1914:

P r a v d i s t s L i q u d a t o r s  Number of contributions  Sum in rubles Number ofcontributionsSum in rubles From worker's groups From non-workers' groups

2,873              713    18,934      2,650    671    453       5,296    6,760

Thus, by 1914, our Party had united four-fifths of the class-conscious workers of Russia around revolutionary Social-Democratic tactics. For the whole of 1913 the Pravdists received contributions from 2,181 workers' groups and the Liquidators from 661. The figures from January 1, 1913 to May 13, 1914 will be: 5,054 contributions from workers' groups for the Pravdists (that is, for our Party), and 1,332, i.e., 20.8 per cent, for the Liquidators.

MARXISM AND SOCIAL-CHAUVINISM (1914-1915)

The great European war of 1914-1915 gave all the European and also the Russian Social-Democrats the opportunity to test their tactics on a crisis of world-wide dimensions. The reactionary, predatory and slave-owner character of the war stands out in immeasurably more striking relief in the case of tsarism than it does in the case of the other governments. Nevertheless, the major group of Liquidators (the only group besides ours which has serious influence in Russia thanks to its liberal connections) turned towards social chauvinism! Enjoying a monopoly of legality for a fairly long period, this Nasha Zarya group conducted propaganda among the masses in favour of "non-resistance to the war," of wishing for the victory of the triple (now quadruple) entente, accusing German imperialism of "super-diabolical sins," etc. Plekhanov, who, since 1903, has repeatedly given examples of his extreme political spinelessness and desertion to opportunism, took up still more pronouncedly the very position that is so highly praised by the whole of the bour-geois press of Russia. Plekhanov has sunk so low as to declare that tsarism is waging a just war, and to publish an interview in the government newspapers in Italy urging her to enter the war!!

The correctness of our appraisal of liquidationism and of the expulsion of the major group of Liquidators from our Party is thus fully confirmed. The real programme of the Liquidators and the real significance of their trend now constitute not only opportunism in general, but defence of the imperialist privileges and advantages of the Great-Russian landlords and bourgeoisie. It is a national-liberal labour policy trend. It is an alliance of a section of the radical petty bourgeoisie and a tiny handful of privileged workers with "their" national bourgeoisie against the mass of the proletariat.

THE PRESENT STATE OF AFFAIRS IN RUSSIAN SOCIAL-DEMOCRACY

As we have already said, neither the Liquidators, nor a number of groups abroad (those of Plekhanov, Alexinsky, Trotsky and others), nor the so-called "national" (i.e., non-Great Russian) Social-Democrats have recognized our Conference of January 1912. Among the innumerable epithets hurled against us, those most often repeated were "usurpers" and "splitters." We answered by quoting exact and objectively verifiable figures showing that our Party united four-fifths of the class-conscious workers in Russia. This is no small figure considering the difficulties of underground activities in a counter-revolutionary epoch.

If "unity" were possible in Russia on the basis of Social-Democratic tactics without expelling the Nasha Zarya group, why have not our numerous opponents brought it about even among themselves? No less than three and a half years have passed since January 1912, and during the whole of this time our opponents, much as they have desired to do so, have failed to form a Social-Democratic party in opposition to us. This fact is our Party's best defence.

The entire history of the Social-Democratic groups that are fighting our Party is a history of collapse and disintegration. In March 1912, all of them without exception "united" in abusing us. But already in August 1912, when the so-called "August bloc" was formed against us, disintegration began among them. Some of the groups fell away from them. They could not form a party and a Central Committee. They set up only an Organization Committee "for the purpose of restoring unity." Actually, this O.C. turned out to be a feeble cover for the liquidationist group in Russia. During the whole period of the tremendous upswing of the working class movement in Russia and of the mass strikes of 1912-1914, the only group in the entire August bloc that conducted activities among the masses was the Nasha Zarya group, whose strength lay in its liberal connections. And in the beginning of 1914, the Lettish Social-Democrats officially withdrew from the "August bloc" (the Polish Social-Democrats did not join it), while Trotsky, one of the leaders of the bloc, left it unofficially, having again formed his own separate group. In July 1914, at the conference in Brussels, with the participation of the Executive Committee of the I.S.B., Kautsky and Vandervelde, the so-called "Brussels bloc" was formed against us, which the Letts did not join, and from which the Polish opposition Social-Democrats forthwith withdrew. When the war broke out this bloc collapsed. Nasha Zarya, Plekhanov, Alexinsky and An,[27] the leader of the Caucasian Social-Democrats, became open social-chauvinists, preaching the desirability of Germany's defeat. The O.C. and the Bund defended the social chauvinists and the principles of social-chauvinism. The Chkheidze Duma group, although it voted against the war credits (in Russia, even the bourgeois democrats, the Trudoviki, voted against them), remained Nasha Zarya's faithful ally. Our extreme social-chauvinists, Plekhanov, Alexinsky and Co., were quite pleased with the Chkheidze group. In Paris, the newspaper Nashe Slovo (formerly Golos ) was started, with the participation mainly of Martov and Trotsky, who wanted to combine platonic defence of internationalism with the absolute demand for unity with Nasha Zarya, the O.C. or the Chkheidze group. After 250 issues of this newspaper, it was itself forced to admit its disintegration: one section of the editorial board gravitated towards our Party, Martov remained faithful to the O.C. which publicly censured Nashe Slovo for its "anarchism" (just as the opportunists in Germany, David and Co., Internationale Korrespondenz,[28] Legien and Co. charge Comrade Liebknecht with anarchism); Trotsky announced his rupture with the O.C., but wanted to go with the Chkheidze group. Here are the programme and tactics of the Chkheidze group, enunciated by one of its leaders. In No. 5, 1915, of Sovremenny Mir,[29] magazine of the Plekhanov and Alexinsky trend, Chkhenkeli writes: "To say that German Social-Democracy was in a position to prevent its country from going to war but failed to do so would mean either secretly wishing that it should not only have breathed its last breath on the barricades but also have had its fatherlard breathe its last, or looking at nearby things through an anarchist telescope."[*]

These few lines express the sum and substance of social chauvinism: both the justification on principle of the "defence of the fatherland" idea and mockery -- with the permission of the military censors -- at the preaching and preparation of revolution. It is not at all a question as to whether German Social-Democracy was or was not in a position to prevent war, nor whether, in general, revolutionaries can guarantee the success of a revolution. The question is: should we behave like Socialists or really "breathe our last" in the embrace of the imperialist bourgeoisie?

OUR PARTY'S TASKS

Social-Democracy in Russia arose before the bourgeois-democratic revolution (1905) in our country and gained strength during the revolution and counter-revolution. The backwardness of Russia explained the extraordinary multiplicity of trends and shades of petty-bourgeois opportunism in our country; and the influence of Marxism in Europe and the stability of the legally existing Social-Democratic parties before the war converted our exemplary liberals into near admirers of the "reasonable," "European" (non-revolutionary), "legal" "Marxist" theory and Social-Democracy. The working class of Russia could not build up its party otherwise than in a resolute, thirty-year struggle against all the varieties of opportunism. The experience of the world war, which has brought about the shameful collapse of European opportunism and has strengthened the alliance of our national-liberals with social-chauvinist liquidationism, still further strengthens our conviction that our Party must continue further along the same consistently revolutionary road. * "S.M." No. 5. 1915. p. 148. Trotsky announced recently that he deemed it his task to raise the prestige of the Chkheidze group in the International. No doubt Chkhenkeli will with equal energy raise Trotsky's prestige in the International. . . .

Written in July-August 1915

Published in pamphlet form in the autumn of 1915 by the editorial board of the newspaper Sotsial-Demokrat, Geneva

NOTES

[1] The pamphlet Socialism and War was published in German in September 1915 and distributed among the delegates to the Zimmerwald Socialist Conference. In 1916 it was published in French. [p.1]

[2] See V. I. Lenin, "The War and Russian Social-Democracy," Selected Works, Eng. ed., FLPH, Moscow, 1952, Vol. 1, Part 2, pp. 397-406. 

Sotsial-Demokrat -- central organ of the Russian Social-Democratic Labour Party, published as an underground newspaper from February 1908 to January 1917. Altogether 58 issues appeared -- the first in Russia, the rest abroad: at Paris and, later, at Geneva. TheSotsial-Demokrat published more than 80 articles and other items by Lenin, who became its editor in December 1911. It also carried a large number of articles by Stalin. [p.1]

[3] See V. I. Lenin, "Conference of the Sections of the R.S.D.L.P. Abroad," Selected Works, Eng. ed., Lawrence and Wishart, London, , Vol. V, pp. 131-37. 

The Berne Conference -- a conference of the sections of the R.S.D.L.P. abroad held in Berne, Switzerland, from February z7 to March 4, 1915. Called on Lenin's initiative, it had the standing of a Bolshevik general Party conference, since it was impossible to convene an all-Russian con ference during the war. Representatives were present at the conference from the Bolshevik sections in Paris, Zürich, Geneva, Berne, Lausanne, and from the "Baugy" group. Lenin represented the Central Committee and the central organ (Sotsial-Demokrat ), directed the proceedings of the conference, and made a report on the main item on the agenda, "The War and the Tasks of the Party." The conference adopted resolutions on the war that were drafted by Lenin. [p.1]

[4] The Zimmerwald Conference -- the first conference of internationalist socialists, held in Zimmerwald, Switzerland, on September 5-8, 1915. A struggle flared up at the conference between the Kautskyite majority and the revolutionary internationalists headed by Lenin. At the conference, Lenin organized the internationalists into the Zimmerwald Left group, in which the Bolsheviks alone adhered to the only correct and consistently internationalist stand against the war.

The conference adopted a manifesto which exposed the imperialist nature of the world war, denounced the "Socialists" for voting for war credits and for participating in the bourgeois governments and called on the workers of the European countries to wage struggles against the war and to strive for the conclusion of peace without annexation or payment of indemnities.

The conference also adopted a resolution expressing sympathy for war victims and elected the International Socialist Committee (I.S.C.). For an appraisal of the conference, see Lenin's articles "The First Step" and "Revolutionary Marxists at the International Socialist Conference, September 5-8, 1915" (V. I. Lenin, Collected Works, Eng. ed., International Publishers, New York, 1930, Vol. XVIII, pp. 340-45, 346-49). [p.3]

[5] See Karl von Clausewitz, Vom Kriege, Berlin, 1957, Vol. I, p. 34. [p.11]

[6] The Basle Manifesto on the war issue was unanimously adopted at the special congress of the Second International held on November 24-25, 1912, at Basle, Switzerland. The manifesto revealed the predatory aims of the war the imperialists were preparing and urged workers everywhere resolutely to combat the war danger. The manifesto proposed that in the event of an imperialist war breaking out, Socialists should take advantage of the economic and political crisis to precipitate the socialist revolution. (On the Basle Manifesto, see also V. I. Lenin, "The Collapse of the Second International," Collected Works, Eng. ed., International Publishers, New York, 1930, Vol. XVIII, pp. 273-82.)

At the Basle Congress Kautsky, Vandervelde and the other leaders of the Second International voted for the Manifesto, but as soon as the world war broke out in 1914, they went back on it, and sided with their imperialist governments. [p.15]

[7] The Stuttgart International Socialist Congress, held on August 18-24, 1907. At this congress the R.S.D.L.P. was represented by 37 delegates. Lenin, Lunacharsky, Litvinov and others represented the Bolsheviks.

Most of the work of the congress was conducted in commissions, which drafted resolutions for submission to the plenary sessions. Lenin was a member of the commission that drafted the resolution on "Militarism and International Conflicts." Jointly with Rosa Luxemburg, Lenin moved his historic amendment to Bebel's resolution, declaring that it was the duty of Socialists to take advantage of the crisis brought about by war to rouse the masses for the overthrow of capitalism. The congress accepted this amendment. (On the congress see V. I. Lenin, "The International Socialist Congress in Stuttgart," Selected Works, Eng. ed., Lawrence and Wishart, London, 1943, Vol. IV, pp. 314-23, and Collected Works, 4th Russ. ed., Vol. XIII, pp. 59-65.) [p.19]

[8] The voting on August 4 -- on August 4, 1914, the Social-Democratic group in the German Reichstag voted in favour of granting the government of Wilhelm II war credits and for supporting the imperialist war. The leaders of German Social-Democracy betrayed the working class and took up the position of social-chauvinism and of defence of their imperialist bourgeoisie. [p.20]

[9] Struveism -- see pp. 48-49 of this book. [p.20]

[10] Brentanoism -- a bourgeois reformist theory which "recognized the 'school of capitalism', but rejected the school of the revolutionary class struggle" (Lenin). Lujo Brentano, a German bourgeois economist, advocate of so-called "State Socialism," tried to prove that it was possible to achieve social equality within the capitalist system by means of reforms and the conciliation of the interests of the capitalists and the workers. Under the cloak of Marxist phraseology, Brentano and his followers tried to subordinate the working-class movement to the interests of the bourgeoisie. [p.20]

[11] Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, "Der Sozialismus in Deutschland," Collected Works, Ger. ed., Berlin, 1963, Vol. XXII, p. 251. [p.24]

[12] Novosti (News ) -- a daily Socialist-Revolutionary Party newspaper published in Paris from August 1914 to May 1915. [p.30]

[13] Proletarsky Golos (Proletarian Voice ) -- a newspaper, organ of the St. Petersburg Committee of the R.S.D.L.P., published underground from February 1915 to December 1916. Four numbers appeared. Its first issue published the manifesto of the Central Committee of the R.S.D.L.P. entitled: "The War and Russian Social-Democracy." [p.32]

[13] This refers to a conference of Italian and Swiss Socialists held in Lugano, Switzerland, on September 27, 1914. [p.39]

[15] The Copenbagen Conference of Socialists in neutral countries (Sweden, Norway, Denmark and Holland) was held on January 17-18, 1915 for the purpose of restoring the Second International. The conference resolved to appeal, through the parliamentary representatives of the Socialist Parties in the neutral countries, to their governments to act as intermediaries between the belligerent powers and secure the cessation of the war. [p.39]

[16] The International Socialist Women's Conference on the attitude to be taken towards the war was held in Berne, Switzerland, on March 26-28, 1915. The conference was convened on the initiative of the women's organizations connected with the Central Committee of the R.S.D.L.P. in conjunction with Clara Zetkin, the leader of the international women's movement. Twenty-five delegates were present at the conference, representing England, Germany, France, Holland, Switzerland, Italy, Russia and Poland. Among the delegates from Russia were N. K. Krupskaya and Inessa Armand. 

A report of the proceedings of the International Socialist Women's Conference was published as a supplement to the newspaper Sotsial-Demokrat, No. 42, of June 1, 1915. [p.39]

[17] The International Socialist Youth Conference on the attitude to be taken towards the war was held in Berne, Switzerland, on April 4-6, 1915. Representatives were present from youth organizations of ten countries: Russia, Norway, Holland, Switzerland, Bulgaria, Germany, Poland, Italy, Denmark and Sweden. The conference decided to celebrate International Youth Day every year and elected an international Bureau of Socialist Youth which, in conformity with the conference's decision, began to publish the magazineJugend-Internationale (Youth International ), to which Lenin and Karl Liebknecht contributed. [p.39]

[18] The Independent Labour Party was formed in 1893 under such lead ers as James Keir Hardie and Ramsay MacDonald. It claimed to be politically independent of the bourgeois parties; actually it was "independent of Socialism, but dependent upon liberalism" (Lenin). At the beginning of the imperialist world war (1914-18) the Independent Labour Party issued a manifesto against the war on August 13, 1914, but later, at the London Conference of Entente Socialists in February 1915, its representatives supported the social-chauvinist resolution adopted by that conference. From that time onward, the I.L.P. Ieaders, under cover of pacifist phrases, adopted a social-chauvinist position. With the formation of the Communist International in 1919, the I.L.P. Ieaders, yielding to the pressure of the rank and file, which had swung to the left,resolved to withdraw from the Second International. In 1921, the I.L.P. joined the so-called Two-and-a-Half International, and after its collapse re-affiliated to the Second International. [p.42]

[19] Temyaki -- the revolutionary Social-Democratic Labour Party of Bulgaria, was formed in 19O3 after a breakaway from the Social-Democratic Party. Dimitr Blagoyev, founder and leader of the Tesnyaki, was succeeded by his followers Georgi Dimitrov and Vasil Kolarov. During 1914-18, the Tesnyaki opposed the imperialist war. In 1919 it affiliated to the Communist International and formed the Communist Party of Bulgaria. [p.]

[20] The British Socialist Party was formed in 1911. It conducted Marxist propaganda and agitation and was described by Lenin as "not opportunist," and as "really independent of the Liberals." Its small membership and isolation from the masses lent the party a somewhat sectarian character. During the imperialist world war (1914-18), two trends were revealed in the party: one openly social-chauvinist, headed by Henry Hyndman, and the other internationalist, headed by Albert Inkpin and others. In April 1916 a split took place. Hyndman and his supporters found themselves in the minority and withdrew from the party. From that moment the internationalists assumed the leadership af the British Socialist Party, which later initiated the formation of the Communist Party of Great Britain in 1920. [p.43]

[21] The Tribunists -- a Left group in the Social-Democratic Labour Party of Holland which in 1907 published the newspaper De Tribune. In 1909, the Tribunists were expelled from the Social-Democratic Labour Party of Holland and organized an independent party (the Social Democratic Party of Holland). The Tribunists were not a consistently revolutionary party, but they represented the Left wing of the working-class movement of Holland. 

In 1918 the Tribunists formed the Communist Party of Holland. From 1909, De Tribune was the organ of the Social-Democratic Party of Holland, and from 1918 it was the organ of the Communist Party. From the beginning of the 30's to 1940 it came out under the title of Folksdagblad (The People's Daily ). [p.43]

[22] Iskra (The Spark ), founded by Lenin in 1900, was the first all Russian, Marxist newspaper published underground. After the Second Congress of the R.S.D.L.P. it became the central organ of the Party. In speaking of the old Iskra, Lenin is referring to Iskrafrom No. 1 to

No. 51. With No. 52, the Mensheviks converted the paper into their factional organ. [p.48]

[23] The January Conference of the R.S.D.L.P., 1912 -- this refers to the Sixth All-Russian Conference of the R.S.D.L.P. which took place in Prague on January 5-17, 1912. By decision of the conference the Mensheviks were expelled from the Party, and the formal unity of the Bolsheviks and the Mensheviks within one party was ended forever. The Prague Conference inaugurated the Bolshevik Party, a party of a new type (see History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union [Bolsheviks ], Short Course, Eng. ed., FLPH, Moscow, 1951, pp. 217-23). [p.50]

[24] Luch (The Ray ) -- the daily newspaper of the liquidator-Mensheviks, published legally in St. Petersburg from September 1912 to July 1913. It was maintained "by funds provided by rich friends among the bourgeoisie" (Lenin). [p.50]

[25] "Marxism and Liquidationism -- a Collection of Articles on the Fundamental Problems of the Present-Day Working-Class Movement. Part II", published by the Party Publishing House Priboy in July 1914. It contained articles by Lenin against the Liquidators. In referring to this book, Lenin has in mind his articles: "The Working Class and the Workers' Press" and "The Workers' Response to the Formation of the Russian Social-Democratic Labour Group in the State Duma" (see V. I. Lenin, Collected Works, 4th Russ. ed., Vol. XX, pp. 338-45, 503-09). [p.51]

[26] The Leipzig People's Paper (Leipziger Volkszeitung ), organ of the Left wing of the German Social-Democratic Party. Published daily from 1894 to 1933. For a long time Franz Mehring and Rosa Luxemburg were members of its editorial board. From 1917 to 1922 the Leipziger Volkszeitung was the organ of the German "independents." In 1922 it became the organ of the Right-wing Social-Democrats. [p.51]

[27] An -- N. N. Jordania, leader of the Caucasian Mensheviks. [p.55]

[28] Internationale Korrespondenz -- a weekly run by German social-chauvinists which dealt with problems of international politics and the working-class movement. Published in Berlin from 1914 to 1917. [p.55]

[29] Sovremenny Mir (The Contemporary World ) -- a literary, scientific and political monthly published in St. Petersburg from 1906 to 1918. The Mensheviks, including G. V. Plekhanov, were frequent contributors. Bolsheviks also contributed to the magazine during the period of the bloc

with Plekhanov's group of pro-Party Mensheviks, and in the beginning of 1914. 

In March 1914, the magazine published Lenin's article "Socialism Annihilated Once Again" (see V. I. Lenin, Collected Works, 4th Russ. ed., Vol. XX, pp. 167-88). During the imperialist world war (1914-18), it became the organ of the social-chauvinists. [p.55]