Who betrayed Stalin
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| Morning March 9, 1953 |
"I will be credited with many atrocities." This phrase, Stalin said in 1939 in an interview with Alexandra Mikhailovna Kollontai. His words turned out to be prophetic: “Many of the affairs of our party and people will be perverted and spat upon, above all abroad, and in our country too. Zionism, striving for world domination, will cruelly revenge us for our successes and achievements ... And my name will also be slandered, slandered. "
Exactly 10 years later, Stalin suffered a severe stroke, the third in a row. Affected inhuman overvoltage of war. The disease led to temporary difficulties of speech and movements. At the celebration of his 70th birthday, Stalin was unable to speak even with a brief thank-you speech in response to congratulations.
In October 1952, Stalin, judging by his statements and actions, already anticipated the imminent end. At the October Plenum of the CPSU Central Committee, he asked to be relieved of his duties as General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee and Chairman of the USSR Council of Ministers.
By this time, a complete update of the Stalinist apparatus. He set aside people who had faithfully served him for decades, Poskrebyshev and Vlasik, as well as heads of personal intelligence and counterintelligence.
It is said that the head of Stalin’s security, General Vlasik, during the arrest (this was the way for him to be removed from the leader) said: "Now he is finished, he is alone."
March 1, 1953 Vlasik's prediction came true.
The events of that day, the assistant commandant of the cottage in Volynsky, Peter Lozgachev, describes this.
“On February 28, on March 1, Khrustalev, Lozgachev, Tukov and Butusova were on duty in the nearest cottage.
Stalin arrived at the Kuntsevo dacha for about 24 hours. Soon L. Beria, G. Malenkov, N. Khrushchev and N. Bulganin arrived. We served only one grape juice. As for the fruit, they were always in vases on the table. At five o'clock in the morning the guests left. Attached Colonel Khrustalev closed the doors. Khrustalev said that allegedly Stalin told him: go to bed all, I do not need anything, you will not need. We really went to bed with which we were very pleased. Slept until 10 am
We did not know what Khrustalev did from 5 am to 10 am
At 10 am, he was replaced by another attached M. Starostin.
In the morning we all took on our own business. In the meantime, there was a daily change of Stalin's personal guard. Usually, Stalin got up at 10-11 hours. I look: it's already 12 o'clock, but there is no movement in Stalin’s rooms.
Gradually, the security people coming to Stalin began to worry and wonder: why Stalin does not get up, does not call anyone to himself?
At 4 pm Starostin says: “What will you do?”
Usually I entered with correspondence to Stalin, when I noticed that he had already risen. We sit in the office office and think: what to do? We waited until 6 o'clock in the evening, but there was still no movement in Stalin’s rooms. I say Starostin: "You go as the head of security." Starostin replies: “I am afraid (it was strictly forbidden to enter Stalin’s rooms without calling. - Ed.), Go with the packages” (it was my duty to bring the received correspondence to Stalin).
Finally, at 18:30, Stalin had electric lighting in his room. Everyone breathed a sigh of relief. And yet time passed, and Stalin did not call anyone.
At 22.30 the mail came to Stalin. Here I used the moment. He took the mail from the adversary and with a decisive, firm step he went to Stalin. He passed one room, looked into the bathroom, looked at the large hall, but Stalin was neither there nor there. Already out of the large hall into the corridor and drew attention to the open door to the small dining room, from which a strip of electric lighting shone through. He glanced there and saw a tragic picture in front of him. Stalin lay on the carpet near the table, as if leaning on his arm. I am numb. Attempt, poisoning, stroke?
Quickly ran to him: “What's the matter with you, Comrade Stalin?” In response, I heard “dz” and nothing more. A pocket watch of the 1st Watch Factory, Pravda newspaper, was lying on the floor, a bottle of mineral water and a glass were on the table. I quickly called Starostin, Tukova and Butusov over the intercom. They came running and asked: "Comrade Stalin, will you be put on the couch?"
He seemed to nod his head. Put, but it is small. There was a need to transfer it to the sofa in the large hall. All four carried comrade Stalin to the great hall. It was evident that he was already cold in one lower soldier’s shirt. Apparently, he lay in a semi-conscious state from 19 o'clock, gradually losing consciousness. Stalin was laid on the sofa and covered with a rug.
Urgently called the State Security Minister S. Ignatiev. He was not of the brave and addressed Starostin to Beria. Called G. Malenkov and outlined the serious condition of Stalin. In response, George Maksimilianovich muttered something unintelligible and hung up. An hour later, Malenkov himself called and answered Starostin: "I did not find Beria, look for him yourself."
Starostin runs and rustles: “Call, Lozgachev”. And to whom to call, when everyone already knows about Stalin's illness. An hour later, Beria himself called: "Do not call or tell anyone about Comrade Stalin's illness." Just hung up the phone.
I was left alone at the bedside. Resentment from helplessness caught his throat, and choked tears. And there are no doctors and no. At 3 o'clock in the morning the car rustled at the cottage. I thought that the doctors had arrived, but with the advent of Beria and Malenkov, the hope for medical assistance was broken. Beria, with his head up, glittering in his pince-nez, rumbled into the hall to Stalin, who was still lying under the rug near the fireplace. Malenkov creaked new shoes. He took them off in the corridor, took under his arm and went to Stalin. Stood at a distance from the patient Stalin, who by the nature of the incidence of wheezing.
Beria: “What, Lozgachev, causing panic and noise? You see, Comrade Stalin is fast asleep. Do not disturb us and Comrade Stalin do not worry. "
Colleagues stood up and left the hall, although I argued to them that Comrade Stalin was seriously ill.
Then I realized that there was betrayal of Beria, Malenkov, dreaming of the imminent death of Comrade Stalin.
Again I was left alone with the sick Stalin. Every minute lasted at least an hour. The clock struck 4, 5, 6, 7 in the morning, and medical aid and signs are not visible.
It was terrible and incomprehensible: what is happening with comrades of Comrade Stalin?
At 7.30, N. Khrushchev arrived and said: "The doctors will soon arrive." At 9 o'clock on March 2, doctors arrived, among whom were Lukomsky, Myasnikov, Tareev, and others. They began to examine Stalin. Their hands were shaking. I had to help cut the shirt on Comrade Stalin.
Inspected. Established a hemorrhage in the brain. Started treatment. They put leeches, gave the patient oxygen from a pillow.
So the sick Stalin spent more than half a day without medical assistance. ”
The testimony lists the names of those members of the Politbureau who committed the first betrayal of Stalin, depriving him of medical assistance at a critical moment.
This is USSR Minister of State Security Ignatiev, who was directly responsible for the leader’s health, and the group that concentrated power in the country at that time: Malenkov, Khrushchev, Beria, Bulganin.
Beria was the undisputed leader of the top five traitors . He developed an incredible activity. The first thing rushed to the archives. Nobody knows what he took from there. Without setting aside for an hour, he placed his people everywhere, eliminating those whom he considered devotees to Stalin (apparently, in anticipation of this, Stalin removed his closest aides from the danger of falling under the hot hand). the whole situation, leaving only the bare walls.
The funeral somewhat died down his ardor. Beria, apparently, was not ready for the fact that Stalin’s death would become not only a nationwide grief for the country, but also an event of world significance. In condolences, the leaders of the largest, far from friendly countries gave him the highest marks. And the leaders of the socialist world, the foreign communist movement - all the more. When he came to the Column Hall, where thousands of rows of weeping people were walking in front of the coffin, Beria hissed to the guard: “Finish this comedy!” But soon he realized that this was not in his power: the people could not hold back. The crush on Trubnaya Square, where hundreds of Muscovites died, further dramatized the situation.
It seemed to him that at last his hour had come. Beria could not claim the first role: one more Georgian at the head of the state was excluded from the beginning. He was satisfied by taking the post of the first deputy of the Pre-Council and taking over the state security and internal affairs bodies, from which Stalin was removed immediately after the war. It was genuine power, unlimited. Malenkov got the post of head of government, Khrushchev - the leadership of the party apparatus. Having agreed on the main thing, they committed a quiet coup d'etat.
The last important decision of Stalin was the creation of the Presidium of the Central Committee of the CPSU as the highest governing body of the party and the state, replacing the Politburo. The Presidium, along with members of the former Politburo, Beria, Bulganin, Voroshilov, Kaganovich, Malenkov, Mikoyan, Molotov, Khrushchev, included a serious (both in number and personal data) young generation. These were: V.M. Andrianov (first secretary of the Leningrad Regional Committee, 50 years old), AB Aristov (secretary of the Central Committee, before the first secretary of the Chelyabinsk regional committee, 49 years old), S.D. Ignatiev (48 years old), D.S. Korochenko (Chairman of the Council of Ministers of Ukraine, 58 years old), V.V. Kuznetsov (chairman of the All-Union Central Council of Trade Unions, 51 years old), O.V. Kuusinen (Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Council of the Karelian-Finnish SSR, 61 years old), V.A. Malyshev (Minister of the USSR Shipbuilding Industry, 50 years old), L.G. Melnikov (First Secretary of the Communist Party of Ukraine, 46 years old), N.A. Mikhailov (secretary of the CPSU Central Committee, head of the department of propaganda and agitation, 46 years old), MG Pervukhin (Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR, 48 years old), P.K. Ponomarenko (Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee, 50 years old), M.Z. Saburov (deputy chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR, 52 years old), MA Suslov (Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee, 50 years old), D.I. Chesnokov (head of department of the Central Committee of the CPSU, editor of the journal Kommunist, 42 years old), N.M. Shvernik (Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, 64 years old), M.F. Shkiryatov (Chairman of the Party Control Committee at the Central Committee of the CPSU, 59 years old). Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR, 52 years old), MA Suslov (Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee, 50 years old), D.I. Chesnokov (head of department of the Central Committee of the CPSU, editor of the journal Kommunist, 42 years old), N.M. Shvernik (Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, 64 years old), M.F. Shkiryatov (Chairman of the Party Control Committee at the Central Committee of the CPSU, 59 years old). Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR, 52 years old), MA Suslov (Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee, 50 years old), D.I. Chesnokov (head of department of the Central Committee of the CPSU, editor of the journal Kommunist, 42 years old), N.M. Shvernik (Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, 64 years old), M.F. Shkiryatov (Chairman of the Party Control Committee at the Central Committee of the CPSU, 59 years old).
Candidates to the Presidium were elected L.I. Brezhnev (Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee, 46 years old), A.Ya. Vyshinsky (Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR, 69 years old), N.G. Zverev (Minister of Finance of the USSR, 52 years old), N.G. Ignatov (secretary of the CPSU Central Committee, 51 years old), I.G. Kabanov (Chairman, USSR Gossnab, 54 years old), A.N. Kosygin (USSR Minister of Light Industry, 48 years old), N.S. Patolichev (First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Belarus, 44 years old), N.M. Pegov (Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee, 47 years old), A.M. Puzanov (Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the RSFSR, 46 years old), N.F. Tevosyan (Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR, 51 years old), PF Yudin (academician, 53 years old).
It was to these people that Stalin entrusted the future of the country, pinned their hopes on them. Why not on their old comrades? He knew them too well. Picked up as reliable performers who will certainly perform the task by any means, at any cost. However, none of them had the qualities necessary for an independent political or state leader of the first plan. A recent book by V. Dobrov, The Murder of Socialism, states that Stalin intended the post of chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR to P.K. Ponomarenko . A corresponding decision was prepared and sent to the vote for all members of the Presidium of the CPSU Central Committee. Voting was delayed, and immediately after Stalin’s death the paper disappeared somewhere.
But what Ponomarenko! On March 6, 1953, Beria, Malenkov, Khrushchev gathered the “Great Khural”, which later became the favorite form of work for Khrushchev: a joint meeting of the CPSU Central Committee Plenum, USSR Council of Ministers and the Presidium of the USSR Supreme Council. In a situation where the participants in the meeting did not move away from the shock caused by the death of Stalin, and in general no one felt himself fully empowered and empowered, the coup was accomplished overnight.
Most of the Stalinist nominees were pushed back. Only Pervukhin and Saburov remained on the Presidium. Melnikov, Ponomarenko, Shvernik were made candidates for the Presidency. The fourth candidate was a longtime associate of Beria MD. Bagirov (First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Azerbaijan, 57 years old).
So even before the funeral, Stalin’s second betrayal was committed.
Act three
For all nations, betrayal is considered the worst of sin. The fate of most traitors is terrible. Biblical Judas hanged himself, Brutus stabbed with his own sword ...
On March 6, it seemed to Beria that the power was finally in his hands. It took only 4 months, and he was behind bars. Ignatiev flew from his post a month later - he was sent to Bashkiria.
The “comrades-in-arms” who remained in power, taking into account the reaction of the people to the death of Stalin, sharply slowed down with slander against him. Moreover. The following document was adopted.
RESOLUTION OF THE SECRETARIAT OF THE CPSU CC
PROTOCOL №40 from 2.09.53
ABOUT MUSEUM I.V. STALINA
1. To accept the proposal of the propaganda and agitation department of the Central Committee of the CPSU, the IML and the Central Museum of V.I. Lenin on the organization of a dacha near Moscow, where I.V. Stalin, Memorial Museum I.V. Stalin by type of museum V.I. Lenin in Gorki, with the subordination of the Central Museum VI. Lenin.
2. To approve the museum director I.V. Stalin t. Baburina I.S.
3. To oblige the Central Museum VI. Lenin (t. Morozova) finish all the work on the creation of the exhibition of the museum I.V. Stalin to 15.10 this year. and open a museum for visitors 10.11.
4. To charge the propaganda and agitation department of the Central Committee of the CPSU (comrade Kruzhkov) and IMLS (comrade Obichkin) to consider the museum exhibition of I.V. Stalin and report back to the Secretariat of the Central Committee of the CPSU until 20.10 this year.
5. To approve the museum staff submitted by the propaganda and agitation department and the administration of the affairs of the CPSU Central Committee.
6. To transfer all services, premises, located at the cottage I.V. Stalin, at the disposal of the Higher Party School at the Central Committee of the CPSU for educational purposes.
It is now difficult to restore the struggles that have arisen around this ruling. And they, judging by the further, were serious. The decision to open a museum has not been canceled, but it has not been implemented. Neither then nor later.
And this is the third betrayal of Stalin by his closest associates and promoters.
Recall the composition of the Presidium of the Central Committee of the CPSU by that time: Bulganin, Voroshilov, Kaganovich, Malenkov, Mikoyan, Molotov, Pervukhin, Saburov, Khrushchev.
Act four
The XX Congress of the CPSU was held in the statutory timeframe: four years after the nineteenth. During this time, Khrushchev, on September 7, 1953, elected the first secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU, firmly took the leading position, everything is now done as he says. On March 14, 1953, Malenkov was relieved of his duties as secretary of the CPSU Central Committee and was engaged only in economic matters. All veterans of the Presidium of the Central Committee worked in the Council of Ministers. The Secretariat of the Central Committee was almost completely updated. Khrushchev made Aristova, Belyaev (first secretary of the Altai regional committee of the party), Pospelov, Suslova, Shepilova (editor-in-chief, Pravda) his closest associates.
As we see, three out of five secretaries of the Central Committee are ideologists. And this is not by chance. Khrushchev was preparing to destroy at the XX congress of Stalin, to blame on him all the negative phenomena of the turbulent 30s, the military setbacks of the beginning of the Patriotic War. He himself, as you know, was illiterate, unable to write anything. It required a strong, well prepared, and, most importantly, a dedicated team. And the ideological trio did not disappoint, exported. Yes, with some bells and bells!
In the performance of Khrushchev, their work, with its additions and fantasies, produced an effect that no other report had ever had in the entire history of political life. His terrible destructive power caused irreparable harm to the gains of the international communist movement, world socialism. The world capital has never received the best weapon against the struggle of the working people and the oppressed for their rights.
Suslov and Pospelov did not say a word about their participation in this subversive action. It is only known that Pospelov presented the original text of the report. But Shepilov spoke frankly.
“I was involved in both reports - the Report of the Central Committee to the Congress, and the report on the cult of the individual.
Before the congress, there was no close discussion of the report. That's for sure. They talked about this — yes, but the opportunity to go to the congress with a report was simply frightening to many. I really took part in writing a part of this report. That was it. I spoke in the debate on the CC Report on the second day of the congress - that means February 15, right? After the speech, I sat in the Presidium, at the column on the right. Khrushchev approached: “I cannot do anything with these (Molotov, Kaganovich ...), but I still want to speak out to dethrone the cult. Will you help? ”I nodded. “Then we will go!” (The fact is that before the congress we had a lot of personal discussions on this issue in all respects. I fully supported it. Khrushchev spoke about Stalin’s repressions openly, with hatred, spoke about the need to rehabilitate millions of people.) When we arrived at the Old Square, Nikita Sergeevich left me in my office, where I sat and wrote for two and a half days. At the same time, when I asked what he considered necessary to write, he briefly threw: “We have discussed everything with you. Take action! ”He gave me a complete blank check.
So, I wrote the text on sheets of paper. At the same time, I did not have any special materials at hand, only the text of Pospelov. The manuscript gave Khrushchev, and he went to the congress. When he then read the report, I found my whole paragraphs in it. But someone shoveled the text. Who made the final version? Khrushchev himself? .. Then these were dictations, for Nikita Sergeevich himself never wrote: he had difficulties with spelling, and he knew that. I saw only one of his inscriptions on the document in this form: "The woman." Perhaps, Khrushchev's assistants - Lebedev, Shuisky? I do not know.
Only I ask in no case make me co-author Khrushchev! This is entirely his and only his idea! "
The course of the closed session of the congress was not shorthand. After the end of the report it was decided not to open a debate on it. At the suggestion of N.A. Bulganin, who presided at this meeting, the congress unanimously adopted the resolution “On the cult of personality and its consequences, which was published in the press, as well as the resolution on the distribution of the text of the report to party organizations without publishing it in the open press.
On March 1, 1956, the text of the report, intended for sending to party organizations, was sent with a note by N.S. Khrushchev members and candidates for members of the Presidium, secretaries of the Central Committee of the CPSU. In this text, a small stylistic and editorial editing was made: references are made to the works of K. Marx, F. Engels, V.I. Lenin and other cited sources, clarified the dates of the adoption of individual documents, included the speaker’s deviations from the text prepared in advance, noted the reaction of delegates to certain provisions of the report.
On March 5, 1956, the Presidium of the Central Committee of the CPSU adopted a resolution “ On acquaintance with the report of Comrade. Khrushchev N.S. "On the cult of personality and its consequences" at the XX Congress of the CPSU ". It stated: “1. To propose the regional committees, regional committees and the Central Committee of the Communist Parties of the Union Republics to acquaint them with the report of Comrade. Khrushchev N.S. "On the cult of personality and its consequences" at the XX Congress of the CPSU of all communists and Komsomol members, as well as non-partisan activists of workers, employees and collective farmers. 2. Report Comrade. Khrushchev sent to party organizations with the stamp "not for printing", removing the stamp from the brochure "strictly secret." In accordance with this decree, the report was read at meetings of all party and Komsomol organizations. ”
So, the Presidium of the Central Committee, consisting of the closest "associates of Stalin", made a proposal. The plenum of the Central Committee, elected by the 19th congress of people whom Stalin trusted, whose candidates he asserted, accepted the offer. No one objected. Neither the "faithful" Molotov, Voroshilov, Kaganovich, nor Mikoyan, who declared in 1939: "Stalin is Lenin today."
The congress, after hearing the evil slanderous speech of Khrushchev, reacted to it as follows (I quote the transcript): Stormy prolonged applause, turning into a standing ovation. Everyone gets up.
Just like at the XIX Congress. Only there they shouted for a long time: Glory to great Stalin! ”
This was the apotheosis of betrayal, his fourth act.
Act Five
Betrayal did not save those in whom Khrushchev saw a hindrance to his own autocracy. Four months after the 20th Congress, Kaganovich, Malenkov, Molotov were removed from all posts and declared an anti-party group. Nor did the diligent Shepilov be spared, having invented for him the nickname "He joined them." The next was G.K. Zhukov. After another 3 months he flew. Then it was the turn of Bulganin and Voroshilov to disappear from the Presidium of the Central Committee. In May 1960, Aristov, Ignatov, Kirichenko, Furtseva and the honored anti-Stalinist Pospelov, who considered himself invulnerable, lost their positions as secretaries of the Central Committee. Many years later, in a private conversation, Furtseva will say that he bitterly replies in his participation in the fouling of Stalin's name. But no one publicly repented. Only Georgia, with powerful rallies and serious unrest, protested against the overthrow of the leader. But she was quickly pacified.
A number of foreign communist parties, especially China, the DPRK, and Albania, took the Khrushchev action negatively. Enver Hoxha at the closest international meeting scolded Nikita for her with the last words, not being embarrassed in expressions.
And Khrushchev was still not enough. At the XXII Party Congress, convened in 1961, he seeks to decide on the removal of Stalin’s body from the Mausoleum.
At the morning meeting on October 30, Chairman Shvernik announced: “The presidency of the congress asked some delegations to give them the floor. The Presidium found it possible to satisfy these requests. ”
The first to satisfy the request of the first secretary of the Leningrad Regional Party Committee Spiridonov, who said:
- The Leningrad party organization, like the whole party, unanimously condemned the cult of Stalin’s personality, approved measures aimed at eliminating its harmful consequences. In the course of the discussion of the results of the 20th CPSU Congress, at many party meetings and meetings of the working people of Leningrad, it was already at that time that decisions were made that the body of comrade was. Stalin in the Mausoleum of Vladimir Ilyich Lenin, next to the body of the great leader and teacher of the world working class, the creator of our glorious party and the world's first proletarian state, is incompatible with the iniquities committed by Stalin.
Reaction? Exclamations from the audience: "That's right!". Stormy applause. But for now everyone does not get up.
Spiridonov was supported by the first secretary of the Moscow city committee of the CPSU, Demichev, the chairman of the Council of Ministers of Georgia, Javakhishvili, a member of the CPSU since 1902, Lazurkina, the first secretary of the Communist Party of Ukraine Podgorny, who also submitted a draft resolution of the congress on the subject matter.
Shvernik suggested immediately and vote. The proposal was adopted unanimously. And here in the course of stormy prolonged applause, everyone stood up.
Delegates continued to compete in the slandering of Stalin. The first secretary of the Altai regional committee of the CPSU, Georgiev, the second secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Kazakhstan, Rodionov, and the first secretary of the Saratov regional committee of the CPSU also spoke. Shibaev, secretary of the Sakhalin Regional Committee of the CPSU Leonov, first deputy chairman of the Party Control Committee Serdyuk, weaver from Ivanov Vecherova, first secretary of the Novosibirsk Regional Committee of the CPSU Goryachev, secretary of the party committee of the collective farm “Victory” of the Stavropol Territory Gubanov. Not a word for the removal of the body of Stalin from the Mausoleum was not told only by two speakers: the first secretary of the Irkutsk Regional Committee of the CPSU, Schetinin and the writer Kochetov.
Here it is, the fifth act of betrayal.
By order of Khrushchev in the USSR, with the exception of Georgia not listening to him, all the few monuments to Stalin were destroyed or removed, portraits were destroyed, works and books about him were removed from libraries. The jubilee volumes to its 60th anniversary and 70th anniversary have been preserved only in the Lenin Museum, whose honest employees made a fictitious act of their destruction. Monuments standing in front of the high-rise building of Moscow University and at the Exhibition of National Economy Achievements, two of Stalin's children, are buried somewhere. With these actions, Khrushchev showed who he is: a barbarian.
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