Stalin and the Chinese Revolution - Chen Po-ta
CHEN PO-TA, 1953
The present English translation of Chen Po-ta's Stalin and the Chinese Revolution has been made from the Chinese text, third edition, published by the People's Publishing House, Peking, in 1953
At the meeting held in Yenan to celebrate Stalin's sixtieth birthday, Comrade .Mao Tse-tung said:
Stalin is the leader of world revolution. This is of paramount importance. It is a great event that mankind is blessed with Stalin. Since we have him, things can go well. As you all know.. Marx is dead and so are Engels and Lenin. Had there been no Stalin, who would be there to give directions? But having him- this is really a blessing. Now there exist in the world a Soviet Union, a Communist Party and also a Stalin. Thus, the affairs of the world can go well..
Comrade Mao Tse-tung pointed out to our comrades of the Chinese Communist Party:
"We must hail him, we must support him, and we must learn from him.'' "We must learn from him in two respects: his theory and his work."
Comrade Mao Tse-tung explained Stalin's merits in developing Marxism-Leninism. He described Stalin's guidance in completing the building of Socialism in the Soviet Union as an epoch-making event. He explained that Stalin gave aid to the Chinese people's cause.
Ten years have elapsed since then and we are now celebrating Comrade Stalin's seventieth birth day. This occasion takes place after mankind has passed through the Second World War and the people of the world, headed by the Soviet Union, have defeated the three fascist empires-Germany, Italy, and Japan. It occurs after the emergence in the world of many new People's Democracies. It occurs after the Chinese people have defeated Japanese imperial ism, and subsequently overthrown the counter-revolutionary rule of the Kuomintang and ousted the invading force of American imperialism, thereby effecting the establishment of the People's Republic of China. It occurs at a time when the Soviet Union has become incomparably strong in the world while the world imperialist system, headed by American imperialism, is tottering. The series of great historical events which have taken place during the past ten years cannot be separated from Stalin's name. Nor
can they be separated from Stalin's work or from Stalin's assistance to the people of various countries. The events in world history of the past ten years have further proved that Stalin is not only the Soviet people's banner of victory but also that of all progressive mankind. They have also provided added proof of what Comrade Mao Tse-tung pointed out ten years ago: "Stalin is the leader of world re volution. This is of paramount importance. It is a great event that mankind is blessed with Stalin. Since we have him, things can go well." That the world has Stalin "is really a blessing."
For the whole world Stalin's birthday is a "day of mankind." It is a blessing for the Chinese people to be able to join with the Soviet people and all progressive mankind in celebrating the seventieth birth day of this greatest figure of the world, this teacher of genius, whose relations have been the most universal and whose accomplishments have been the most extensive in the cause of mankind's liberation since Marx, Engels and Lenin. This celebration is a salute to the liberation of mankind, a salute to the hope and future of mankind.
But we Chinese people have special reasons for hailing Stalin. They are: Stalin's close relationship with the Chinese revolution, his concern over the fate of the Chinese people, and his great theoretical contributions to the Chinese revolution.
On the basis of his concrete analysis of the concrete conditions in China, Stalin, the great scientist of dialectical materialism and teacher of world re volution, raised at the time of the First Great Re volution in China a series of questions concerning the Chinese revolution, and offered extremely brilliant solutions, thereby demolishing the nonsense of the counter-revolutionary Trotskyites on the Chinese question and helping the Chinese Communist Party to embark on the path of Bolshevism. Stalin's many writings on China during this period are models in the integration of revolutionary theory with revolutionary practice; they constitute an important portion of the treasury of Marxism-Leninism concerning the fate of mankind. They were not only completely correct at that time, but have since been proved completely correct by the practice of the Chinese re volution during the last twenty-odd years.
When the revolutionary rays of the Chinese people were first appearing, Stalin had already seen that China's revolution contained unlimited force. Recently Comrade Malenkov, in a report delivered in commemoration of the October Revolution, made a point of recalling a forecast Stalin had made as far back as 1925.
The forces of the revolutionary movement in China are incalculable. As yet, they have not made themselves felt properly. But they will make themselves felt in the future. The rulers of the East and West, who do not see these forces and do not duly take them into consideration, will suffer from this.
This forecast of Stalin's was based on an appraisal of the political, economic and other conditions of China, and on the alignment of forces in Chinese society. It was also based on an appraisal of the political, economic, and other conditions of the world and on the alignment of the various forces of the world.
In regard to China, Stalin made the following important appraisal in November, 1926, when he wrote on the perspectives of the Chinese revolution: "The role of the initiator and leader of the Chinese revolution, the role of the leader of the Chinese peasantry must inevitably fall to the Chinese proletariat and its party." This appraisal by Stalin was based on the weakness of China's national bourgeoisie. It is an appraisal of the utmost importance. Because if only the Chinese proletariat can assume leadership in the Chinese revolution, it will be possible for the Chinese peasants and all the other popular masses to develop to the fullest their revolutionary force under the leadership of the Chinese proletariat. And once that is achieved by the people of this country, who constitute almost one quarter of the world's population, these forces will be, as Stalin said, "incalculable."
In regard to the wor1d situation, Stalin obviously proceeded from the famous law discovered by Lenin that in the era of imperialism the political and economic development of capitalist countries is un even and their contradictions are particularly acute. From this he predicted that the Chinese revolution, following in the wake of the Russian October Re volution, would continue to breach in the East the imperialist front. Stalin also proceeded from the fact of the Soviet Union's existence and might. As he pointed out in his article entitled On the Perspectives of the Revolution in China:
Side by side with China there exists and develops the Soviet Union, whose revolutionary experience and assistance cannot but facilitate the struggles of the Chinese proletariat against imperialism and against the medieval feudal remnants in China.
Because Stalin's forecast proceeded from a firm scientific foundation, he appreciated the extra ordinarily profound character of the struggle of the Chinese people. Therefore, he was convinced that the Chinese revolution would eventually advance and attain victory, no matter whatever grave setbacks it had suffered.
After Chiang Kai-shek had betrayed the re volution in 1927, Stalin refuted the nonsense of the Trotskyites about confusing the Chinese revolution with Turkey's "Kemalist form of revolution." Stalin analysed the difference between China and Turkey and came to the conclusion that the possibility of Turkey's "Kemalist form of revolution" did not exist in China. He said:
In China, imperialism had to strike at the living body of national China, cutting it into small pieces and wresting whole provinces from it in order to maintain its old positions or at least retain part of these positions.
Therefore, if the struggle there in Turkey against imperialism could end in the unfinished anti-imperialist revolution of the Kemalists, here in China, the struggle against imperialism must assume a profoundly popular and pronouncedly national character and must grow stronger step by step, reaching a point of desperate battles with imperialism and shaking imperialism to its very foundations throughout the world.*• Stalin: Talk with Students of the Sun Yat-sen University
Stalin further pointed out:
Victory in China will be won either by the Chinese Mussolinis like Chang Tso-Iin and Chang Tsung-chang, who will then be swept away by the agrarian revolution, or by Wuhan (referring to the revolutionary regime in Wuhan of the time-Author); Chiang Kai-shek and his followers, trying to hold out between these two camps, must inevitably fall and share the fate of Chang Tso-lin and Chang Tsung-chang..
When Wang Ching-wei, following in the foot- steps of Chiang Kai-shek, betrayed the revolution, Stalin again refuted the nonsense of the Trotskyites about the bankruptcy of the Chinese revolution and affirmed that there was no room in China for reformism. He explained:
The war between the old and new warlords is flaming up with new force and it cannot but weaken the forces of the counter-revolution, simultaneously ruining and embittering the peasantry.In China there is as yet no such group or government that could carry out something similar to the Stolypin reform which would give breathing space to the ruling group.It is not easy to bridle and oppress the millions of peasants who have already gained possession of the land of the landlords. The prestige of the proletariat among the working masses ls rising from day to day and its strength is far from having been smashed.*• Stalin: Comment on Current Affairs: On China
The occurrence of events is the touchstone of predictions.
Since 1927, a series of events have occurred in China. Chiang Kai-shek became the Mussolini of China and replaced Chang Tso-lin and Chang Tsung chang; jumbling wars took place between the new and old Kuomintang warlords; the Chinese agrarian revolution grew to an upsurge; all attempts at "reformism" on the part of the Kuomintang counter revolutionary regime went bankrupt; China was carved up, first by the Japanese imperialists, then by the American imperialists; the Chinese people waged a life-and-death struggle against Japanese and American imperialism; these struggles shook the very foundations of imperialism throughout the world; Chiang Kai-shek met with the same fate as Chang Tso-lin and Chang Tsung-chang and fell from the counter-revolutionary political stage. This series of events completely bore out the predictions Stalin had made over twenty years ago.
Stalin's predictions encouraged the Chinese people in their struggle over the past twenty-odd years and clearly demonstrated that revolutionary science is an irresistible force. At the same time, they exposed the shameless way in which the Trotskyites and all reactionary clowns served the counter-revolution of Chiang .Kai-shek and Wang Ching-wei..
In May, 1927, Stalin defined the nature of the Chinese revolution as follows:
The present revolution in China represents the confluence of two currents of a revolutionary movement-a struggle against feudal remnants and a struggle against imperialism. The bourgeois-democratic revolution in China represents the confluence of the struggle against feudal remnants and the struggle against imperialism.*• Stalin: The Chinese Revolution and the Tasks of the Communist International
This was the conclusion Stalin had reached on the basis of his penetrating analysis of Chinese society. It was a conclusion of tremendous historical significance for the Chinese revolution. As Stalin pointed out at the time, "Such is the starting point of the whole policy of the Communist International on the questions of the Chinese revolution."
It was precisely this line that the Trotskyite renegades opposed. The Trotskyites virtually denied the anti-imperialist nature of the Chinese revolution.
They denied the preponderant influence of China's feudal remnants, thereby denying the anti-feudal nature of the Chinese revolution.
Stalin pointed out that the viewpoint held by Trotsky and his underlings was the counter-revolutionary viewpoints of Chang Tso-lin and Chiang K:aishek. As everyone knows, it was precisely because the Chinese Trotskyites based themselves on the whole of Trotsky's counter-revolutionary views and at the same time on these counter-revolutionary views of Trotsky's in relation to China that they took the road of counter-revolution together with the Trotskyites in other countries.
Stalin said: "The bourgeois-democratic re- volution in China is directed not only against feudal remnants. It is also directed against imperialism."* • Stalin: The Chinese Revolution and the Tasks of the Communist International
Only when the nature of the revolution has been determined on the basis of China's social conditions can our Party correctly appraise the concrete changes in class relations in each concrete historical situation, so as to determine the specific tasks of the revolution, to organize the revolutionary front, to lead the re volution forward, and to make possible the development of the Chinese revolution, under the leadership of the Chinese working class, from a bourgeois democratic into a Socialist revolution.
The Chen Tu-hsiu opportunism of 1927 was precisely opposed to this dialectical analysis by Stalin. The Chen Tu-hsiu opportunism later merged with counter-revolutionary Trotskyism. This is well known and will not be dwelt on further.
It should be pointed out in this connection that during the twenty-odd years since 1927, the errors of both Right and "Left" opportunism which occurred within our Party were usually, in the first place, violations of this dialectical analysis by Stalin regarding· the nature of the revolution, by overlooking either the anti-imperialist or the anti-feudal aspect.
For instance, during the ten-year civil war period, the comrades who committed "Left" opportunist mis takes had long overlooked the anti-imperialist aspect. They neglected what Stalin had pointed out: "The bourgeois-democratic revolution in China is characterized by the sharpening of the struggle against imperialism."* Therefore, they were not adept at utilizing the situation to form an anti-imperialist front correctly, in co-ordination with the struggles of the agrarian revolution so as to overcome their isolation. During this period, they also prematurely advocated the adventure of carrying out "the trans formation into a Socialist revolution."
To cite another example. During the War of Resistance to Japanese Aggression, those comrades who had earlier committed "Left" opportunist mis takes swung over to Right opportunism. Their views were exactly like those of the Chen Tu-hsiu opportunism of 1927 in that they overlooked the anti-feudal aspect. They "saw only the bourgeoisie" and "failed to understand the decisive significance of China's agrarian revolutionary movement." They "do not consider it possible to unleash the revolution in the countryside, because they are afraid that the drawing of the peasantry into the revolution will undermine the united anti-imperialist front."*
Such erroneous views were, of course, in direct opposition to the teachings of Lenin and Stalin. According to Stalin: "The anti-imperialist united front in China will become stronger and more powerful, the sooner and more solidly the Chinese peasantry is drawn into the revolution."*Stalin: On the Perspectives of the Revolution in China
Since this kind of Right opportunists in this period denied the anti-feudal aspect, they also advocated, just as the Chen Tu-hsiu opportunism did in 1927, giving up the leadership of the proletariat. They saw a future only for the bourgeoisie and failed to see a future for the victory of the people's revolution and for Socialism.
It is very clear that the question of the nature of the Chinese revolution is linked up with the question of concrete tactics at each stage of the revolution. Anyone who commits mistakes on the question of the nature of the revolution is bound to commit mistakes on the question of concrete revolutionary tactics.
In refuting the nonsensical talk of the Trotskyites on the Chinese question, Stalin especially explained several main tactical principles of Leninism as follows:
1. The principle of the necessity of taking into account the national peculiarities and national characteristics of each country while working out the guiding instructions of the Communist International for the working class movement of that country.2. The principle of the necessity for the Communist Party of each country of making use of every possibility to secure mass allies for the proletariat, even though they may be temporary, vacillating, wavering, unreliable.3. The principle of the necessity of taking into account the truth that propaganda and agitation alone are not enough for the political education of millions of the masses , but this requires the po1ltica1 experience of the masses themselves.•• Stalin: Comment on Current Affairs: On China.
Stalin then went on to emphasize the com bination of general Marxist-Leninist principles with national characteristics. He wrote:
They do not understand that the main task of leadership at the present time, when the Communist parties have already grown up and have become mass parties, consists in finding, grasping and skillfully combining the national and characteristic features of the movement in each country with the general principles of the Communist International in order to facilitate and make practically possible the carrying out of the basic aims of the Communist movement.
Hence the attempts to stereotype the leader ship for all the countries. Hence the attempts to apply mechanically certain general formulae regardless of the concrete conditions of the revolutionary movement in different countries. Hence the endless conflicts between formulae and the revolutionary movement in different countries, which are the essential outcome of the leadership of these miserable leaders.
Our oppositionists belong precisely to this type of these miserable leaders.*
Thus, Stalin linked up the question of the nature of the Chinese revolution with that of its tactics, pointing out and generalizing the national peculiarities of this revolution.
Since 1927, the errors committed by the dogmatists in our Party, who were "Left" opportunists at one time and Right opportunists at another, consisted precisely in forgetting the lessons contained in Stalin's refutation of the Trotskyites. The dogmatists thought that to lead the Chinese revolution, it was enough to have only two or three ready-made formulae in their pockets which were "suitable" for all countries and "obligatory" in all conditions. For them, consideration of China's national peculiarities or national characteristics simply did not exist. There fore, endless conflicts arose between their numerous mechanically applied formulas and the concrete revolution in China.
Our dogmatists confined themselves to abstract formulae and simple historical analogies, and they did not start from the concrete situation in China. Hence, on the question of the nature of the Chinese revolution, they inevitably committed this or that kind of error at one time or another. Also for this reason, they could not combine principles with flexibility according to the changes in the concrete situation. They failed to carry out what Stalin had said:
In order to smash these powerful enemies it is necessary to have a flexible and well-considered policy of the proletariat, skill to take advantage of every crack in the enemy camp, skill in finding allies.* Stalin:· Comment on Current Affairs: On China.
During the ten-year civil war, our dogmatists advocated overthrowing everybody. This is what Comrade Mao Tse-tung said of them: "You cannot overthrow those in power, so you want to overthrow those who are not in power. They are already out of power, yet you still want to overthrow them."
But, in another historical situation, for instance, in that of the War of Resistance to Japanese Aggression, they swung over to advocating uniting with everybody, denying that there were three groups left, centre and right-inside the Anti-Japanese United Front and denying that there should be some difference in our Party's policy towards these three groups. Also for this reason, they could not establish real connections with the masses in accordance with
concrete conditions, but instead repeatedly issued orders to the masses. Stalin said: "It is also necessary that the masses themselves recognize, through their own experience, the unreliable, reactionary and counter-revolutionary character of the Kuomintang leadership."* But our dogmatists forgot the teachings of Stalin and thought that when a few "leaders" recognized that, they could issue orders which the masses would follow. Stalin said: " ... a revolution 'is made' not only by an advanced group, not only by a party, not only by individual personalities, however 'big' they may be, but, first and chiefly, by the millions of the masses of the people."*
But our dogmatists forgot the teachings of Stalin and believed that the revolution could be "made" above all and chiefly by a few "leaders" like them selves who thought themselves to be right.
The events that have occurred in China during the past thirty years have demonstrated the extremely complicated and tortuous character of the development of the Chinese revolution. It was the complex and devious interlocking of the anti-imperialist and anti-feudal struggles in particular which gave rise to this character. These factors also gave rise to a series of questions about revolutionary tactics, a united front and the relations between the revolutionary movement in the cities and that in the countryside. At the same time they also gave rise to the question of vital strategy in the military struggle. Stalin said: "In China, armed revolution is fighting against armed counter-revolution."** • Stalin: Talk with Students of the Sun Yat-sen University What areas then should be the key points of attack in the armed struggles at different times? In offensives will there be defensive actions or retreats? How should the offensive and defensive or retreat be interlinked? How should a defensive or retreat be changed into an offensive? Everyone knows that these questions constitute the major portion of Comrade Mao Tse-tung's long struggle against opportunism (sometimes in the form of adventurism and sometimes in the form of desertion).
In 1927, after Chiang Kai-shek had committed his act of betrayal in Shanghai, the strategic prob lems of revolutionary war came to the forefront. The Trotskyites at that time advocated launching an adventurous offensive against Shanghai. Stalin opposed such an adventure. Stalin said at that time: "Shanghai is the world centre in which the most important interests of imperialist groups meet." Stalin advocated "building up sufficient military strength, developing fully the agrarian revolution, intensifying the work of undermining Chiang Kaishek's rear and front and then, after that, raising the question of Shanghai in its entirety."* . Stalin: Problems of the Chinese Revolution
Because "not to avoid a decisive battle under unfavourable conditions (when it can be avoided) means to facilitate the cause of the enemies of the revolution."** But during the ten-year civil war period, the "Left" opportunists advocated launching simple, blind, adventurous attacks on the big cities against heavy odds, and waging a decisive battle with the enemy under unfavorable conditions.
Stalin said:
Some comrades think that an offensive on all fronts now is the basic symptom of being revolutionary. No, comrades, this is not true. An offensive on all fronts at the present moment (after Chiang Kai-shek's betrayal of the re volution-Author) is sheer stupidity, not being revolutionary. Stupidity should not be confused with being revolutionary.*
But during the ten-year civil war period, the "Left'' opportunists advocated launching an offensive on all fronts regardless of conditions, thus mixing up stupidity with being revolutionary.
Stalin said:
Revolutionary movement cannot be looked upon as a movement rising on an upward trend all the time. This is a bookish, unrealistic concept of revolution. Revolution always moves in zigzags, advancing and shattering the old order In some places while suffering partial defeat and retreating in others.* Stalin: Talk with Students of the Sun Yat-sen University
But during the ten-year civil war period, the "Left" opportunists regarded the revolutionary movement as nothing but a movement rising on an upward trend all the time, and that it could not possibly advance in zigzags. Therefore if they deemed an offensive necessary, it could only be an offensive on all fronts; or as they called it an "all-out attack." If anyone advocated attacking in one place, while retreating from another, they would then "affirm" that this was "opportunism."
Stalin said: ''One cannot take upon ones-elf all the tasks at once for thus one risks overstraining one self."* But during the ten-year civil war period, at the time when our revolutionary strength was still very inadequate, the "Left" opportunists advocated that we should at once take upon ourselves all the tasks of "overthrowing everybody" and "launching an offensive on all fronts" and all the tasks of the bourgeois-democratic revolution and the Socialist revolution. If anyone criticized such action for running the risk of "overstraining oneself," well then, they were sure to label such a person an "opportunist."
It is clear that ever since 1927 those comrades in our Party who at one time or other committed various kinds of opportunist deviations against Comrade Mao Tse-tung's correct line did so because they had all forgotten every lesson contained in Stalin's refutation of the Trotskyites in 1927. This was the case regardless of whether the issue involved the nature or the tactics of the revolution. whether it was political or military. These mistakes created a lot of trouble for our revolution in its progress.
Under the leadership of Comrade Mao Tse-tung, our Party, by advancing along a devious path, finally overcame both the objective difficulties and subjective errors and carried the revolution to victory. This is because Comrade Mao Tse-tung's views on the nature and tactics of the Chinese revolution were based on the teachings of Stalin and were identical with the views of Stalin. Furthermore, he has developed in the concrete practice of the Chinese revolution Stalin's teachings regarding the Chinese revolution.
Way back in the first Great Revolution, Comrade Mao Tse-tung, in opposition to the Right opportunism of Chen Tu-hsiu, steadfastly upheld the teachings of Lenin and Stalin and maintained that the proletariat must lead the peasants' revolutionary movement against feudalism in order to support the struggle against imperialism.
During the ten-year civil war period, although he was in the midst of the agrarian revolutionary movement of that time, Comrade Mao Tse-tung, in opposition to "Left" opportunism, did not for an instant forget this extremely important political factor, the struggle against imperialism. 1n formulating strategic plans for establishing revolutionary bases and in determining the policies towards the various classes, such as the winning over of the intermediate classes, etc., Comrade Mao Tse-tung always took this anti-imperialist factor into account.
During the War of Resistance to Japanese Aggression, Comrade Mao Tse-tung believed that the proletariat and its vanguard must set the peasant masses in motion so that the War of Resistance could have a broad mass foundation and thus have the possibility of ending in a victory for the people. There fore he conducted an extremely stubborn struggle against Right opportunism. History has proved that Comrade Mao Tse-tung has been correct in all his struggles in different periods for the realization of the teachings of Lenin and Stalin.
It was during the War of Resistance to Japanese Aggression that Comrade Mao Tse-tung had an opportunity to read Stalin's works extensively. He read and pondered over all the available works of Stalin with the greatest enthusiasm. As everyone knows, Comrade Mao Tse-tung in his On New Democracy made clear what an important enlightenment Stalin's works had been to him. Comrade Mao Tse tung explained that the correct thesis that the Chinese revolution is part of the world Socialist revolution, as advanced by the Chinese Communists, was based on Stalin's theory. It was on the basis of this theory of Stalin's that Comrade Mao Tse-tung elaborated on the idea of the leadership of the proletariat. In the above-mentioned militant work, he delivered crushing blows at the reactionary dream about establishing a bourgeois dictatorship in China, while at the same time he delivered fatal blows at the opportunists within the Party who were trying to make the proletariat follow the tail of the bourgeoisie.
In order to prepare for our revolutionary victory, Comrade Mao Tse-tung conducted a rectification movement within our Party in 1941-42. At that time he particularly liked to cite time and again Stalin's saying on the relation between theory and practice which appeared in The Foundations of Leninism-a masterpiece that ideologically armed the Bolsheviks throughout the world. Comrade Mao Tse-tung said:
Stalin is right in saying: "Theory becomes aimless if it is not connected with revolutionary practice." Of course he is also right in saying: "Practice gropes in the dark if its path is not illumined by revolutionary theory."
Comrade Mao Tse-tung used Stalin's former saying to oppose dogmatism in our Party and used Stalin's latter saying to oppose empiricism in our Party.
Comrade Mao selected Stalin’s writing on the twelve prerequisites of Bolshevization and the six points in the conclusion of History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks), Short Course as the most basic documents for our Party's rectification movement. In order that our comrades might deeply reflect on these two documents by Stalin, Comrade Mao Tse-tung specially delivered a long lecture, in which he held that these two documents were coherent, being the summation of Marxist Leninist experience in revolutionary leadership over a period of one hundred years. Based on our Party's twenty-odd years of experience, he gave a point-by point explanation of these two documents. These two documents dealt severe blows at dogmatism and empiricism during the rectification movement.
In his article Reform Our Study, Comrade Mao Tse-tung urged that Stalin's great work History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks), Short Course be used as the main text for studying Marxism-Leninism in our Party. Comrade Mao Tse-tung wrote:
History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks), Short Course constitutes the highest synthesis and summation of the world Communist movement during the last one hundred years. It is the model of the unity of theory and practice, and it is the only perfect model in the entire world. By seeing how Lenin and Stalin combine the universal truth of Marxism-Leninism with the concrete practice of the Soviet revolution and in this way developed Marxism, we can understand how work should be done in China.
Comrade Mao Tse-tung is Stalin's disciple and comrade-in-arms. He is Stalin's outstanding disciple and has been able to lead China's revolution to victory because his method of work and his way of reasoning are those of Stalin's. He uses Stalin's methods to learn from Stalin. These . are the methods of creative Marxists which Stalin referred to in his famous article written to commemorate Lenin's fiftieth birthday:
This group draws directives and instructions not from historical analogies and parallels, but from the study of surrounding conditions. In its activities it relies not on quotations and maxims, but on practical experience, testing each step by experience, learning from mistakes and teaching others to build a new life. This, in fact, explains why there is no discrepancy between words and deeds in the activities of this group, and why the teachings of Marx retain their full living, revolutionary strength.
This is precisely why Stalin's ideas and teachings "retain their full living, revolutionary strength" when they come into Comrade Mao Tse-tung's hands.
there are some people in our Party who, like the dogmatists we have mentioned previously, may per haps subjectively wish to learn from Stalin but who use an anti-Stalinist method in doing so. Comrade Mao Tse-tung has rightly said: "Their method of studying Marxism runs directly counter to Marxism." Their method is like that of the dogmatists mentioned in Stalin's article on Lenin's fiftieth birthday:
It (the group of dogmatists-Ed.) does not base its activities on experience, on con sideration of practical work, but on quotations from Marx. It draws directives, instructions, and directions not from an analysis of actual realities, but from analogies and historical parallels. Discrepancy between words and deeds is the chief malady of this group. Hence that disillusionment and perpetual grudge against fate which time and again betrays it and leaves it "fooled."
Stalin's teachings, methods and theories, after they were introduced and applied by Comrade Mao Tse-tung, greatly broadened the political and ide logical vision of Chinese Communists and enhanced their Marxist-Leninist consciousness and helped our Party acquire sufficient ideological strength to defeat all counter-revolutionaries and other enemies who stood in the way of the revolution.
We have already attained a revolutionary victory. We must continue to be victorious. But how can we continue to achieve victories? As Comrade Mao Tse-tung has frequently told us: We must be adept at learning. We must be adept at learning from Sta lin - our teacher and the banner of mankind's great victory. We must be adept at learning from the great Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Moreover, in doing this, we must apply the same method as that adopted by Comrade Mao Tse-tung, namely, the method of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin. In short, we must apply the method of combining theory with practice.
Let us repeat once more what Comrade Mao Tse-tung said ten years ago in celebrating Stalin's sixtieth birthday: "We must hail him, we must sup port him and we must learn from him.''
Learn from Stalin-this still remains the main conclusion we should draw in celebrating Stalin's seventieth birthday.
Long live the supreme, glorious, and great Stalin for the happiness and future of mankind!
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