Manoeuvres Of British Imperialism In Ceylon -On The Question Of Granting Ceylon The Status Of A British Dominion
Reports Presented in 1949 to the Pacific Institute of the Academy of Sciences, U.S.S.R.
S. V. Pokrovsky Candidate of Historical sciences
Situated close to the peninsula
of Hindustan on the sea routes linking Europe to the countries of S.E. Asia and
the Far East, Ceylon occupies an important strategic position in the Indian
Ocean. During the Second World War Ceylon played a big role as a strategic
spring-board for the Anglo-Americans in S.E. Asia.
The area of Ceylon is 70,000 sq. kilometres; the number of its population, according to the figures for 1946, is 6,658,899 people.14 The population of the island is not uniform in national composition and in religious affiliations. It is particularly important to note this, since the disunity of the different national and religious groups in Ceylon serves as a favourable basis for the implementation of the basic principle of British colonial policy: “divide and rule.” The British colonisers are artificially setting the different national groupings one against another and are diverting their attention from the struggle against British imperialism.
The division of
the population into religious groups almost coincides with its ethnical
division. The religion of the Singalese is Buddhism, of the Tamils—Hinduism
(Shivism), of the Maoris and Malays—Islam. Christianity, in the main in the
form of Catholicism, began to be forcibly implanted already in the beginning of
the 16th century by the Portuguese who were the first European
invaders of Ceylon. The present-day class structure of the population of Ceylon
is characterised by a preponderance of the small peasantry, of which a great
part rents land on the basis of share-cropping from local semi- feudal
landlords and Buddhist monasteries. But the main and the best part of the land
was seized by the British for their plantations. Alongside the British bourgeoisie
from the beginning of the twentieth century, there gradually grew a national
bourgeoisie. In this period little by little a national proletariat was formed
and consolidated. Thanks to its class consciousness and organisation after the
Second World War the working class became a serious force, playing a
conspicuous role in the political life of Ceylon
and in the leadership of the national-liberation struggle of the people of Ceylon.
Ceylon’s economy
is a typically colonial economy. Commanding positions are in the hands of the
British. In 1933 there were 193 European (predominantly British) companies with
a capital of 702 million rupees, out of which 488 million rupees were invested in
plantations. There were also large investments of other foreign and, in
particular, of American capital.
British
imperialism converted Ceylon into an agrarian and raw-material appendage of the
metropolitan country whose monopolies subordinated the economic development of
the island to their own interests. But, developing for the most part the
production of industrial crops, the British colonisers showed entirely no care
for the urgent needs of the population. The production of tea, rubber and
cocoanut for export did away with other agricultural crops. Food-stuffs were
imported from other countries, mainly from India. The surplus of cheap
labour-power—in particular of Indian coolies—and the regime of the most savage
exploitation of the native workers
is enabling the planters to extract
colossal profits. To this day, forced labour is employed in the plantations.
The native workers and peasants live in perpetual misery.
14 Statesman Yearbook, 1947, p. 181.
Till the Second
World War the product of the plantations in Ceylon was imported into Britain
and the countries of the British Empire. As a consequence of the general
weakening of the position of British imperialism during the war and after it
the role of the USA in the external trade of Ceylon increased sharply. And in
spite of the fact that trade with the countries of the British Empire still
retains first place in the external trade balance of Ceylon, still its share is
decreasing while the share of the USA is gradually increasing. While the share
of Britain in the import of Ceylon in 1938 consisted of 21 per cent and in 1946
of 19 per cent, the share of the USA in import in 1938 was equal to 2 per cent
and in 1945 already 13 per cent. Britain’s share in the export of Ceylon
reached 54 per cent, occupying the second place after Britain.
The lop-sided
nature of economic development of Ceylon is also demonstrated in the fact that
British capital has not developed industry to any considerable extent, even the
reworking of local raw material. In spite of the diversity of minerals in the
soil of Ceylon, mining industry was practically absent.
It was only during
the Second World War, when the industry of the metropolitan country was
reorganised on a war basis and Britain had to reduce her export sharply,
industry began developing partially in Ceylon and in the main light
industry—textile, footwear and food-stuffs. In this industry the capital of the
national bourgeoisie of Ceylon is beginning to play a big role side by side
with British capital. American capital has also struck root here and is not
without success.
The development of
industry as a result of the war situation led to an immeasurable growth in the
incomes of the capitalists and feudal landowners of Ceylon. At the same time
the position of the toiling masses deteriorated sharply as a result of the intensified
exploitation, the rise in prices and fall in the standard of real wages. Thus
the index of the cost of living, even according to the official minimised
figures, rose from 110 in 1939 to 129 in 1941, to 183 in 1942 and to 204 in
1944.
In the first place
the one-sided development of Ceylon’s economy tells upon the toiling population
of the island. This manifested itself particularly during the Second World War
(1939-1945) when less number of products of nourishment and articles of wide
consumption were imported and the partial development of local light industry
did not cover the requirements. The growth of impoverishment along with the
intensification of the exploitation of the industrial and plantation workers,
the dockers and the poor peasantry evoked a wave of economic and political strikes.
The fall in the
“boom” caused by the war situation led to a still greater intensification of
the exploitation of the toilers, to a still greater growth of prices, to an
increase in the index of the cost of living, to the growth of unemployment, to
the further impoverishment of the toiling masses and to a deterioration in
their living standards. Thus, according to a Reuter report dated 2nd Feb. 1949, as a result of the
strikes in the rubber industry of Ceylon, 200,000 workers of this branch of
industry are constantly menaced by unemployment. The trade balance of Ceylon is
deteriorating. For example in 1946, the value of exports consisted of 265 per
cent (1938 = 100) and the value of imports 423 per cent.
The economic
changes, taking place in Ceylon during the years of the Second World War, had a
serious influence on the general political situation in the island.
The most important happenings in the course of the war were the change in the correlation of class forces in Ceylon and the advance of the national-liberation movement. The intensification of the class struggle and the growth of the national-liberation movement are the basic factors characterising the present-day political life of Ceylon. The numerical growth of the working class and its organisational and political consolidation are converting it at the present time into a great political force, heading the struggle against the foreign domination, the local landlords and the big bourgeoisie. While the working class is more and more winning a leading role in the national-liberation movement, the Ceylonese bourgeoisie, not to speak of the landlord and clerical circles, is deserting the struggle for national independence by selling the country and entering into an agreement with British and American imperialists against its own people.
There are several
political parties in Ceylon. The communist Party was formed as an organisation
in July 1942 out of the United Socialist Party of Ceylon formed in 1940. Coming
forward under the slogans of the nationalisation of the property of the British
capitalists (mills, plantations, banks, etc.), The immediate withdrawal of
British troops and the transfer of all British military bases from Ceylon, and
by demanding the implementation of genuinely democratic transformation it
rapidly gained authority amongst the broad masses of the toiling population
and, in particular, amongst the industrial and plantation workers and the poor
peasantry. The Communist Party has a powerful influence in the Federation of
Trade Unions. The leaders of the Party are its General Secretary, Peter
Kueneman, and Vaidialingam, The General Secretary of the Federation of Trade
Unions.15 The Communist Party has its representatives in the
parliament of Ceylon. The leader of the Communist fraction in the parliament is
the General Secretary of the Communist Party of Ceylon, Peter Kueneman. The
Communist Party of Ceylon, in its struggle for leadership of the toiling
masses, is systematically exposing the Trotskyites, who are carrying out
undermining work directed towards the splitting of the working-class movement
of Ceylon. The Trotskyites have at present entrenched themselves in the Lanka
Sama Samaj Party. This party, which was formed in 1935, in the beginning united
the various political trends in the working-class movement. In 1939, there was
a split and the revolutionary elements went out of it. The leaders of the Lanka
Samaj, who demagogically play upon the nationalistic and anti-British slogans,
are in essence the servitors and agents of imperialism and are attempting to
rely upon the backward sections of plantation workers, a section of the
unemployed intelligentsia and different declassed elements. They are bringing
about a split in the ranks of the working class, disorganising the democratic
movement and disrupting the anti- imperialist struggle of the toilers of Ceylon.
To the category of
bourgeois-nationalist parties belong the ultra Right party of the Sinhala Maha
Sabha, which is linked with the feudal, clerical and bourgeois circles and
which is attempting to subject the masses to its leadership on the basis of the
common allegiance to Buddhist religion; The Ceylon National Congress which is a
moderate reformist party of the Singalese bourgeoisie and the intelligentsia;
the Muslim League of Ceylon, and the Malaya League.
These parties were
formed in 1946 in “United National Party (UNP) under the presidentship of the
leader of the Ceylon National Congress, the British agent Stephen Senanayake.
The UNP is the compromising bourgeois reformist party, which is hiding behind the
slogans of “unification of all national groups of the island” and “the
development of the well-being and progress of the masses.” By utilising the
support of the British imperialists and being a party of the parliamentary and
government majority, the UNP is carrying out a pro-British internal and
external policy.
The British
authorities, which come down with all the means at their disposal on the
toiling masses and in particular upon the working class and its Communist
Party, are attempting to support Ceylon’s reactionary bourgeoisie and the
feudal landowners, where such support does not damage the interests of the
British imperialists. By giving formal concessions to the bourgeois-nationalist
parties of Ceylon, the British imperialists are attempting at the same time to
raise their authority in the eyes of the masses and to depict them as fighters
against British imperialism.
15 The Ceylon Federation of Trade
Unions joined the World Federation of Trade Unions and is continuing to remain
in it, in spite of the disruptive activities of the Anglo-American agents in
the World Federation of Trade Unions.
The parliamentary
elections in September 1947, which were carried out under the “supervision” of
the British authorities, gave a comparative predominance in the parliament to
the United National Party (UNP), from among whose representatives in the main the
present government of Ceylon has been formed. It is clear that by resorting to
“indirect rule” and keeping themselves in the background, the British can feel
themselves secure behind the back of a government which is composed of the
representatives of the reactionary bourgeoisie of Ceylon.
In the course of
the entire history of the domination of British imperialism in Ceylon one can
follow the line of artificially fomenting national and religious enmity and of
compromising with the reactionary strata of Ceylon in order that imperialism
should maintain its rule. On their part, the landlords and the big bourgeoisie
have readily entered and are entering into a compromise with the bourgeoisie of
Britain, of the oppressor country, for the sake of retaining their “rights” in
the share of the exploitation of the toiling masses.
The growth of
national consciousness and the advance of the national movements registered
during the First World War in a number of colonial and dependent countries,
also took place in Ceylon.
The Great October
Socialist Revolution had great influence upon the development of the
national-liberation movement in Ceylon. The rising proletariat activised the
struggle against the British invaders and the local bourgeoisie. The formation
of political organisations here takes place precisely at this time. A number of
liberal, bourgeois-reformist organisations were formed during this period—the
Ceylon League of Reform, the National Association of Ceylon, and the Ceylon
National Congress. These organisations, whose leadership was seized by the
propertied classes of Ceylon, demanded from the British the carrying out of
administrative reforms, which, while not affecting the basis of British
domination, would extend the rights of the national bourgeoisie of Ceylon. The
struggle and the demands of the working class strengthened the positions of
these organisations, which attempted to draw over the toiling masses to their
side in order to later betray them. The growth
of national consciousness and the intensification of the anti-British
sentiments forced the British to come to an agreement with the
bourgeois-landlord top stratum. The result was the reforms in colonial
administration of 1920 and 1923. These reforms did not broach upon the national
and military principles of domination of British imperialism. They hampered the
national-liberation movement for the time being but were not able to stop it.
The sharpening of national and class contradictions in the period of the world
economic crisis at the beginning of the thirties of the twentieth century
compelled British imperialism to seek for a more stable alliance with the
national bourgeoisie in order to dupe the broad masses of the people. The
Donmor Commission, which was widely advertised by the British and which worked
out the Constitution of 1931 (known as the “Donmor Constitution”) had to
achieve this aim.
But even the
Donmor Constitution led to only partial changes in the form of the British rule
in Ceylon and it too did not broach upon the economic, political and military
basis of British domination.
The predominance
of the Singalese in the State Council evoked discontent on the part of the
backward national groups and, in particular, the Tamils. Dissatisfaction in the
regime of British rule appeared in the State Council itself which was composed
of persons carefully selected by the British from the native top stratum of
Ceylon. The reform of 1931 did not stop the growth of the national-liberation
struggle against the British power. The British Government was forced to admit
that the Donmor Constitution machinations did not pay.
The Second World
War and the great liberation struggle of the USSR against German and Japanese
imperialism inspired the peoples of the colonial and dependent countries. The
struggle of these peoples against Hitler fascism and Japanese imperialism which
assumed a broad anti-imperialist character, compelled the British
imperialists to resort to new manoeuvres in Ceylon also. The sharp weakening of
the positions of Britain in the Far East and S.E. Asia, which manifested itself
in the beginning of the war, compelled the British imperialists to promise
reforms to their colonies in Asia. Side by side with the promises made to India
already in September 1941, the Churchill government was forced to declare that
the question of self-rule of Ceylon would be considered at the end of the war.
On May 26, 1943 the British Minister for Colonies, Commander Oliver Stanley,
declared that the British Government was considering the question of future
reforms, with the aim of creating “a fully responsible government” in Ceylon.
In July 1944 a
commission was formed, under the presidentship of Salisbury, which concluded
its work only towards the end of 1945.16 The new constitution of
Ceylon, which in the main is in operation even now, was proclaimed on May 15,
1946.
The constitution
of 1946, like the preceding act of the British imperialists, did not touch the
basis of British rule in Ceylon and brought about only formal changes. The
press of the metropolitan country and the pro-British press of Ceylon are
trying to depict the regime established by this constitution as a most
important change in the life of Ceylon.
However, an
analysis of the constitution of May 15, 1946 shows that this is not the case at
all. A British Governor is at the head of the government of Ceylon. Formally he
fulfils his functions in conformity with the opinions of the corresponding
Ministers, except in “extraordinary cases”, and seemingly he does not interfere
in the activities of the government, although in actual fact he affects a real
guardianship over it. The Governor is directly subordinate to the British
Government (in the person of the Minister for Colonies), which thus retain its
power in Ceylon. Questions of defence and foreign relations of the island, of
foreign trade, questions connected with changes in the constitution and
regarding the national and religious minorities are under the direct control of
the Governor. Besides, the British Government had the right (till the granting
of Dominion Status to Ceylon in 1948) to suspend or to revoke the constitution
“when the necessity arose”.
The executive
authority is implemented by a Cabinet of Ministers. The Prime Minister is
appointed by the Governor from amongst the members of parliament, who enjoy the
support of the majority in the parliament. The rest of the ministers are also
appointed by the Governor on the representation of the Prime Minister. The
Prime Minister must necessarily be at the same time also the Minister for
Defence and Foreign Affairs. The Ministers have their own Parliamentary
Secretaries. According to the constitution of 1946, the Ceylon Government is
formally “a fully responsible government” in the matter of “internal civil
administration”, but the questions relating to foreign policy, as already
pointed out above, are openly under the control of the British authorities.
According to the
constitution of 1946, a parliament consisting of two houses—an Upper House, the
Senate, and a Lower House, the House of Representatives—was created.
The Senate is
composed of 30 Senators, out of whom 15 are nominated by the Governor and 15
are elected by the House of Representatives on the principle of proportional
representation. People who have attained the age of 35 can become Senators.
Although the Senate cannot reject the adoption of a law, it has the right to
delay it (the so-called “suspension veto”). Formally the Senate enjoys
legislative initiative on all questions, with the exception of questions
relating to finance. The term of office of Senators is fixed for 6 years. Every
two years, one-third of the composition of the Senate renewed. As a whole the
Senate is called upon to serve as one of the vehicles of British policy in
Ceylon.
16 Ceylon Report of the Commission
Constitutional Reform, Cmd. 6,677, London, HMSO.
The House of
Representatives consists of 101 members, out of which 95 are elected and 6
appointed by the Governor. The term of office is 5 years.
The scope of the
parliament is restricted to questions of internal civil administration, with
the exception of questions which fall within the scope of the British
parliament. Apropos this the parliament of Ceylon is obliged to proceed from
the principle of the supremacy of imperialist (British) legislation and cannot
decide questions relating to the revision of the constitution. Thus, the
British parliament is provided with the right of issuing laws for Ceylon “in
special cases”.
With respect to
the electoral system the 1946 constitution retains in the main the principles
of the Donmor Constitution, with the exception of the change in the principle
of representation. Under the guise of a quest for a compromise solution on the
norms of representation of the different national groups in the parliament, the
1946 constitution confuses and complicates the problem still more with the aim
of setting these groups against one another.
The introduction
of the 1946 constitution retained the commanding position in the hands of the
British and did not change in essence the situation in Ceylon.
The revolutionary
struggle in China, Viet-Nam, India, Burma and other countries of East Asia
strengthened the influence of democratic elements amongst the population of
Ceylon. The demands for a change in the political condition of the island
became more insistent.
Under conditions
when the national-liberation struggle in all the colonies of S.E. Asia was
growing, when the Chinese people were successfully struggling against American
imperialism and the reactionary regime of Chiang Kai-shek supported by it—under
such conditions Ceylon acquired exceptional value for British imperialism as a
big strategic springboard. According to the calculations of the British
imperialists, the consolidation of the political positions of the local
bourgeoisie and the feudal circles in Ceylon could render substantial
assistance to the imperialist camp in suppressing the anti- imperialist
struggle not merely in Ceylon but also in other colonies and, above all, in
India. Therefore, almost simultaneously with the implementation of the insidious
“Mountbatten Plan” on the granting of “independence” to India, the British
Government declared on June 18, 1947 that it was going to adopt measures with
the object of changing the constitution of 1946 in the direction of “granting
Ceylon self- rule within the bounds of the British Commonwealth of Nations”, as
soon as agreements, satisfactory to both the sides (i.e., British imperialism),
were concluded.
On November 11,
1947 the British authorities concluded with Ceylonese reaction: i) “Treaty on
Defence” ii) “Treaty Relating to Foreign Relations”, iii) “Treaty on Position
of State Officials.” It was only after this that Ceylon was granted Dominion Status.
These treaties
completely preserve the authority of British imperialism over Ceylon and reduce
to empty formality all the provisions of the Act about granting Dominion Status
to it in which it is said that “the prerogative vested in it by His Majesty with
respect to the promulgation of laws for Ceylon relating to questions of defence
and foreign relations are hereby cancelled.”17
17 Cmd. 7,257, 1947, London, HMSO
After a grandiloquent preamble,
Article I of the treaty on defence says that the Government of Britain and
Ceylon will render mutual military assistance and with this aim “the Government
of the United Kingdom can retain bases for its naval and air forces and to
retain its land military forces on the territory of Ceylon.” In Article II the
Government of Ceylon is obliged “to render to the Government of the United
Kingdom any assistance needed” including “the utilisation of naval and air bases, ports and
military constructions, and the utilisation of means of communication.” The
British armed forces on the territory of Ceylon enjoy extra-territorial rights.
The treaty retains “the right of tribunals and administrative authorities
(British—S. Pokrovsky) to exercise over the members of the above-mentioned
forces the same control and to extend its jurisdiction in the same way as it is
exercised at present.” The British have the right to train the armed forces of
Ceylon and to supply weapons to Ceylon. Moreover, British officers and
instructors are directing the military forces of Ceylon and the Ceylon
Government has agreed “to establish such administrative organisation, which it
will be desirable ... for their cooperation in questions relating to defence
and for co-ordinating and defining their respective needs in this sphere.
Senanayake
appointed an Englishman, Count Keitness, as commander-in-chief of the armed
forces of Ceylon. In the summer of 1949, the British Navy carried out
manoeuvres along with the Indian and Ceylonnese forces. Thus, we may say, the
Anglo-Singalese “Defence Treaty” is still more converting Ceylon into one of
the cogs of the British imperialist military machine.
The treaty
relating to the State officials of the Ceylon Government made it obligatory for
Ceylon to retain all the British officials in the posts occupied by them
earlier, and to pay them for leave, sickness, pension, etc.
The treaty
relating to foreign relations strengthened Ceylon’s complete dependence on
Britain in this matter. According to Article I of this treaty the Government of
Ceylon has agreed “to ratify and fulfil the decisions of the preceding Empire
conferences.” On the basis of purely formal equality, Ceylon and Great Britain
are exchanging their representatives known as High Commissioners. The treaty
directly lays it down that the external relations of Ceylon with foreign
countries must be effected through the British Government. In case the
Government of Ceylon desires to exchange diplomatic representatives with any
other foreign state, it can do so by virtue of Article IV of the treaty only
through the medium of the British Government.
Having retained
its dominating position in Ceylon in economic, political, and military respects
and after consolidating it by means of the treaties mentioned, British
imperialism granted Ceylon the status of British Dominion on February 4, 1948.
The conversion of
Ceylon into “a self-ruling state within the bounds of the British Commonwealth
of Nations” did not change the essence of the British colonial policy in
Ceylon, did not alter the position of Ceylon as a colony of British
imperialism, but merely changed the form of subjection. In connection with this
“knavish compromise of the greatest magnitude” the Labourite pupils of the
hardened British imperialist Disraeli will do well to recall the words of the
latter that “colonies do not cease to be colonies because they are
independent.” Although Ceylon, like India and Pakistan, is now represented at
Empire conferences along with other Dominions, it is still regarded as before—a
colony and a dominion of a lower order than the “British”. The corrupt ruling
top stratum of Ceylon is not even outwardly in opposition now; it serves its
British masters.
It is no accident
that the Anglo-American imperialists, “contrary to reason” and against all the
rules of admission to the United Nations Organisation, are persistently
endeavouring to drag in Ceylon as a member of the UNO. Again, in Article V of
the Anglo-Ceylon agreement relating to foreign relations mentioned above, the
British Government has assumed the “obligation” “to render all support to any
request on the part of Ceylon to enter into the United Nations Organisation, or
into any special international institution defined by Article 57 of the UNO
Constitution.”
By following their
policy of dictates on solving questions of international relations, the Anglo-
American representatives in the Security Council slyly attempted to carry out
the decision about the entry of Ceylon into the UNO—hoping to add (to “the majority
subservient to it”) the vote of one more satellite. The Soviet
representative was entirely right in demanding that the consideration of the
question of Ceylon’s entry to the membership of the UNO be deferred till
additional information on the situation in Ceylon was received.
“Instead, on the
insistence of the representatives of the USA and Britain, the question was put
to vote and the Soviet representative voted against the attempts to examine
this question in spite of the fact that he had asked only for one thing—the
postponement of this question for some time till additional information on the
political status of Ceylon was received.” (A. Y. Vyshinsky, speech delivered in
Special Political Committee on November 30, 1948, and printed in Pravada in the issue of December 3, 1948.)
Knowing that their
trick did not succeed, the Anglo-Americans and their lackeys in various
countries, including Ceylon, raised a slanderous uproar round this question.
They tried to even accuse the Soviet Union of misusing the right of “veto” and
to insinuate that the USSR was the impediment in the way of Ceylon’s entry into
the UNO. It is, however, well known that the Soviet Union fights against the
discriminatory attitude of the Anglo-American bloc towards the People’s
Democratic States, which have no less, if not greater, justification for being
admitted in the UNO.
The events of the recent period show that the reactionary ruling circles of Ceylon are trying to include Ceylon into various “regional” groupings of countries, serving as an appendage of the North Atlantic Union, and embodying the claims of the USA to domination over the entire world. The representatives of Ceylon took part in the conference of the group of countries of Asia and the Far East which took place in Delhi in January 1949, where, apart from the Indonesian question, there was also discussed the question of forming a grouping of those countries of S.E Asia which were under Anglo- American control. Not content with the projects inspired by them for forming groupings of the countries of S.E. Asia, the Anglo-American instigators of war are attempting to form a “Pacific Bloc” comprising the countries of the British Empire as well as the countries not within the Empire. According to the reports of the Australian newspapers, the British representatives had conducted negotiations with Pakistan, India, Ceylon, S. Africa, and Canada, for the conclusion of a Pacific Pact.
In these criminal plans, the Anglo-American instigators of war do not want to realise
“that it is one thing
to construct all sorts of groupings and to be collecting signatures to more and
more pacts cooked up in the chancelleries of the American State Department and
British Foreign Office, and an entirely different thing to really achieve the
ends pursued by the inspirers of such groupings and pacts”. (Statement of the USSR Foreign Ministry on
North Atlantic Pact)
The Anglo-American
band-masters of the Senanayake government are trying in vain to present the
voice of their lackey, Ceylonese reaction, as the voice of the peoples of
Ceylon, since
“it goes without
saying that the servile attitude of certain leading persons in the governments
of these countries will not suffice for the people of Asia to consent to embark
on the slippery path on to which they are being persistently goaded by the Powers
which have become entangled in colonial affairs and by their wealthy patrons” (Ibid.)
This statement
also applies entirely to Ceylon, since in Ceylon as well as in the other
countries of the East, a mighty upsurge of the national-liberation movement is
taking place. The mass meetings of the toiling people of Ceylon which were held
on May 1, 1949, took place under the slogan of “Unity With the Workers of the
Whole World in the Struggle Against Imperialism and Capitalist Exploitation.”
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