Soviet Democracy Vindicated
Alex Bittleman
CHAPTER IV
Soviet Democracy Vindicated
If TROTSKY, Hearst, Hitler & Co. had any ideas that the extension and development of Soviet democracy would provide them with new loopholes and wedges for successful conspiracy against the Soviet Union, they must be feeling today bitterly and sadly disappointed. In fact, one need not guess about it. They show this bitter disappointment all too plainly.
The new Soviet Constitution-the Stalin Constitution-has been rightly hailed by the toiling masses of the world as a blessing, as a triumph of progress and socialism, as a victory over decaying capitalism which produces and nurtures fascism. But what did that mean? It meant, among many other things, that fascism and the agents of fascism cannot for long live in the Soviet Union. This is so far the only country in the world where fascism cannot thrive. And when some of its agents and Trotskyite collaborators nevertheless do make an attempt to operate, they meet a quick and sure end as soon as they are discovered.
This can only bring joy to the hearts of the workers, all exploited classes, all friends of progress and true enemies of fascism.
How many times have we heard expressions of sincere lamentation over the fact that if only a few decisive measures against the fascist generals in Spain had been taken in time, as urged by the Communists, how much blood and suffering could have been spared the Spanish people?
And in Germany: if only Social-Democracy had joined with the Communists in dealing with the Hitler gang courageously and decisively, how much agony would have been spared the German people, and how much of a safer place to live in the world would be today?
Yet some of these same people, who sincerely lament these historic failures, seem to feel a bit uncertain about the justification for the drastic measures taken by the Soviet government against the Trotskyite traitors and collaborators of fascism. To these we must say: Why do you refuse to learn from experience? Why do you persist in repeating the same errors-criminal errors, such costly errors-over and over again?
Certainly, you do not wish to encourage fresh Trotskyite conspiracies in the Soviet Union? Surely, you do not want to embolden Hitler or the Japanese military clique to speculate on disintegration within the Soviet Union resulting from Trotskyite conspiracies? Because to encourage such hopes in the fascist aggressors means to speed them on to more reckless provocations. It means to hasten the outbreak of war which will spare no country. It means to encourage Hitler to try in Czechoslovakia what he is doing in Spain.
Do you want all that? Of course not. That being the case, certain practical conclusions have to be drawn. And one of them is this: Make Hitler, Japan, and all fascist aggressor & understand that conspiracies with Trotsky and the Trotskyite& do not work in the Soviet Union. That was what the Soviet government has done. And for this it deserves the gratitude of the enemies of fascism in all countries.
Make Hitler and the other war aggressors also understand that such and similar conspiracies will not work in other countries either. This is what Hitler and Mussolini ought to taught in Spain.
And progressive people everywhere understand that. But not so the leader of the Socialist Party of America, Norman Thomas. He too draws conclusions from the Moscow trial. He began to draw them even before the trial was over. And here it is:
"Socialists and workers generally are justified in seeing in this situation the natural outgrowth of the Communist theory which would ruthlessly sacrifice the individual to the alleged interests of the mass, which interest of the mass is interpreted in terms of the revolutionary group able to get and keep power, a group which permits no proper channel of criticism within its governmental organization."
Never mind the mendacity of Thomas trying to speak in the name of all Socialists and even of "workers generally". The American workers have not forgotten, nor will they soon forget, Thomas' campaign to elect Landon on the phony theory that Landon would inject some iron into the blood of American labor so it will fight better. So, let's overlook this pontifical gesture of taking everybody under Norman Thomas' fold. But what about the conclusion itself? It is purposely written in very involved terms but it can be easily deciphered. And here is what it means:
1. The building of socialism in the Soviet Union is not in the interests of the masses. It is only an "alleged" interest, not a true one, so says Thomas the "Socialist".
2. The Soviet government is really not the government of the people, says Thomas again. It is only a "revolutionary group able to get and keep power"-a Stalin group.
3. Soviet democracy, which built a socialist society, which is today the strongest bulwark of peace and progress, whom the Spanish people consider the greatest blessing in their hour of need and stress, this Soviet democracy means nothing at all to the "democracy loving" Thomas. No, says Thomas, it is no such thing; it is only a group in power which, because it won't give the Trotsky-Hitler combination a free hand to operate in the Soviet Union, "permits no proper channels of criticism within its governmental organization".
This is no mere philosophizing, rotten as it is. It is very actual and has an immediate practical purpose. It is to bolster up the astounding statement that the Trotsky-Hitler conspiracy is "the natural outgrowth of the Communist theory". These are Thomas' words. They will be found, in the above context, in the semi-Trotskyite sheet that calls itself The Socialist Call, of January 30, 1937. It means: the conspiracy is to be blamed not on the conspirators and their fascist partners. No, says Thomas, blame it on the Communist theory as he, Thomas, interprets it.
This sort of conclusion is obviously needed by Thomas also to justify his toleration of the Trotskyites in the Socialist Party and his membership on the "Committee for the Defense of Trotsky". But fair-minded people and true Socialists will want an answer to this question:
How far is it from considering the Trotsky conspiracy-which includes the murder of Kirov-"a natural outgrowth of Communist theory" to actually justifying the Trotsky-fascist conspiracy?
It is not very far. One may lead into the other
CHAPTER V
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