Stalin- Results of the July Plenum of the C.C., C.P.S.U.(B.)
Leningradshaya Pravda, No. 162, June 26, 1928;
Comrades, the plenum of the Central Committee which has just concluded concerned itself with two sets of questions.
The first set consists of questions relating to major problems of the Communist International in connection with the impending Sixth Congress.
The second set consists of questions relating to our constructive work in the U.S.S.R. in the sphere of agriculture -- the grain problem and grain procurements -- and in the sphere of providing a technical intelligentsia, cadres of intellectuals coming from the ranks of the working class, for our industry.
Let us begin with the first set of questions.
I. THE COMINTERN
1. MAJOR PROBLEMS OF THE SIXTH CONGRESS OF THE COMINTERN
What are the major problems which confront the Sixth Congress of the Comintern at the present time?
If one looks at the stage passed through between the Fifth and Sixth Congresses, it is necessary first of all to consider the contradictions which have ripened in this interval within the imperialist camp.
What are these contradictions?
At that time, by the time of the Fifth Congress, there was still little talk among us of the Anglo-American contradiction as the main one. Then it was customary to talk even about the Anglo-American alliance. On the other hand quite a lot was said about contradictions between Britain and France, between America and Japan, between the victors and the vanquished. The difference between that period and the present period is that, of the contradictions in the capitalist camp, that between American capitalism and British capitalism has become the principal one. Whether you take the question of oil, which is of decisive importance both for the development of the capitalist economy and for purposes of war; whether you take the question of markets, which are of the utmost importance for the life and development of world capitalism, because goods cannot be produced if there is no assured sale for them; whether you take the question of spheres of capital export, which is one of the most characteristic features of the imperialist stage; or whether, lastly, you take the question of the lines of communication with markets or sources of raw material -- you will find that all these main questions drive towards one principal problem, the struggle between Britain and America for world hegemony. Wherever America, a country where capitalism is growing gigantically, tries to butt in -- whether it be China, the colonies, South America, or Africa -- everywhere she encounters formidable obstacles in the shape of Britain's firmly established positions.
This, of course, does not do away with the other contradictions in the capitalist camp: between America and Japan, Britain and France, France and Italy, Germany and France and so on. But this means that this contradiction rests one way or another on the basic contradiction between capitalist England, whose star is setting, and capitalist America, whose star is in a state of ascension.
What is fraught with this basic contradiction? It is likely to lead to war. When two giants collide with each other, when they are crowded on the globe, they try to use their strength to resolve the controversial issue of world hegemony through war.
That is the first thing to bear in mind.
A second contradiction is that between imperialism and the colonies. This contradiction existed even at the time of the Fifth Congress But only now has it assumed an acute character. At that time we did not have such a powerful development of the revolutionary movement in China, such a powerful shaking up of the vast masses of the Chinese workers and peasants as occurred a year ago and as is taking place now. But that is not all. We did not at that time, at the time of the Fifth Congress of the Comintern, have that powerful stirring of the labour movement and the national-liberation struggle in India which we have now. These two major facts bring squarely to the fore the question of the colonies and semi-colonies.
With what is the growth of this contradiction fraught? It is fraught with national wars of liberation in the colonies and with intervention on the part of imperialism.
This circumstance also must be borne in mind.
Finally, there is, a third contradiction -- that between the capitalist world and the U.S.S.R., one that is growing not less but more acute. Whereas at the time of the Fifth Congress of the Comintern it could be said that a certain equilibrium, unstable, it is true, but more or less prolonged, had been established between the two worlds, the two antipodes, the world of Soviets and the world of capitalism, now we have every ground for affirming that the days of this equilibrium are drawing to a close.
Needless to say that the growth of this contradiction cannot fail to be fraught with the danger of armed intervention.
It is to be presumed that the Sixth Congress will take this circumstance also into consideration.
Thus all these contradictions inevitably lead to one principal danger -- the danger of new imperialist wars and intervention.
Therefore, the danger of new imperialist wars and intervention is the main question of the day.
The most widespread method of lulling the working class and of diverting it from the struggle against the danger of war is present-day bourgeois pacifism, with its League of Nations, its preaching of "peace," its "prohibition" of war, its chatter about "disarmament" and so forth.
Many think that imperialist pacifism is an instrument of peace. That is absolutely wrong. Imperialist pacifism is an instrument for the preparation of war and for disguising this preparation by hypocritical talk of peace. Without such pacifism and its instrument, the League of Nations, preparation for war in the conditions of today would be impossible.
There are naïve people who think that since there is imperialist pacifism, there will be no war. That is quite untrue. On the contrary, whoever wants to get at the truth must reverse this proposition and say: since imperialist pacifism and its League of Nations are flourishing, there will certainly be new imperialist wars and interventions.
And the most important thing in all this is that Social-Democracy is the main channel of imperialist pacifism within the working class -- consequently, it is capitalism's main support among the working class in preparing for new wars and intervention.
But in order to prepare new wars, pacifism alone is not enough, even if it is supported by such a serious force as Social-Democracy. For this, certain means of suppressing the masses in the imperialist centres are also needed. It is impossible to wage war for imperialism unless the rear of imperialism is strengthened. It is impossible to strengthen the rear of imperialism without suppressing the workers. And that is what fascism is for.
Hence the aggravation of the inherent contradictions in the capitalist countries, the contradictions between labour and capital.
On the one hand, preaching of pacifism through the mouths of the Social-Democrats in order more effectively to prepare for new wars; on the other hand, suppression of the working class in the rear, of the Communist Parties in the rear, by the use of fascist methods, in order then to conduct war and intervention more effectively -- such is the way of preparing for new wars.
Hence the tasks of the Communist Parties:
Firstly, to wage an unceasing struggle against Social-Democratism in all spheres -- in the economic and in the political sphere, including in the latter the exposure of bourgeois pacifism with the task of winning the majority of the working class for communism.
Secondly, to form a united front of the workers of the advanced countries and the labouring masses of the colonies in order to avert the danger of war, or, if war breaks out, to convert imperialist war into civil war, crash fascism, overthrow capitalism, establish Soviet power, emancipate the colonies from slavery, and organise all-round defence of the first Soviet Republic in the world.
Such are the principal problems and tasks confronting the Sixth Congress.
These problems and tasks are being taken into account by the Executive Committee of the Comintern, as you will easily see if you examine the agenda of the Sixth Congress of the Comintern.
2. THE PROGRAMME OF THE COMINTERN
Closely linked with the question of the main problems of the international working-class movement is the question of the programme of the Comintern.
The cardinal significance of the programme of the Comintern is that it scientifically formulates the basic tasks of the communist movement, indicates the principal means of accomplishing these tasks, and thus creates for the Comintern sections that clarity of aims and methods without which it is impossible to move forward with confidence.
A few words about the specific features of the draft programme of the Comintern submitted by the Programme Commission of the Executive Committee of the Comintern. At least seven such specific features might be noted.
1) The draft provides a programme not for particular national Communist Parties, but for all Communist Parties taken together, covering what is common and basic to all of them. Hence it is a programme based on principle and theory.
2) It was the custom formerly to provide a programme for the "civilised" nations. The draft programme differs from this in that it is intended for all the nations of the world -- both white and black, both of the metropolitan countries and of the colonies. Hence its comprehensive, profoundly international character.
3) The draft takes as its point of departure not some particular capitalism of some particular country or portion of the world, but the entire world system of capitalism, counterposing to it the world system of socialist economy. Hence its difference from all programs available so far.
4) The draft proceeds from the uneven development of the capitalist countries and draws the conclusion that the victory of socialism is possible in separate countries, thus envisaging the prospect of the formation of two parallel centres of attraction -- the centre of world capitalism and the centre of world socialism.
5) Instead of the slogan of a United States of Europe, the draft puts forward the slogan of a federation of Soviet Republics which consists of advanced countries and colonies that have dropped, or are dropping, out of the imperialist system, and which is opposed in its struggle for world socialism to the world capitalist system.
6) The draft stresses opposition to Social-Democracy as the main support of capitalism in the working class and as the chief enemy of communism, and holds that all other trends in the working class (anarchism, anarcho-syndicalism, guild socialism, etc.) are in essence varieties of Social-Democratism.
7) The draft puts in the forefront the task of consolidating the Communist Parties both in the West and in the East as a preliminary condition for ensuring the hegemony of the proletariat, and then also the dictatorship of the proletariat.
The plenum of the Central Committee approved in principle the draft programme of the Comintern, and charged comrades having amendments to the draft to submit them to the Programme Commission of the Sixth Congress.
So much for questions concerning the Comintern.
Now let us turn to questions concerning our internal development.
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