THE COUNTER-REVOLUTION HIDES ITS FACE
SOCIALISM COMES OUT OPENLY—THE COUNTER-REVOLUTION HIDES ITS FACE
our class enemies admitted, as “the incarnation of the program of the Communist International”. Truly Leninist-Stalinist mettle and firm and unshakable principles were required in order, in a fearless struggle at a fascist trial, to break through the barbed wire of cynical arbitrariness, and to transform the prisoners’ dock into a revolutionary tribune from which to proclaim the principles and tactics of Communism to the whole world.
Only by heroic preparedness to make any sacrifice for the triumph of Communism, and by the Bolshevik ability to utilize the slightest illegal as well as legal possibilities, was it possible, over the head of the executioners’ court, to proclaim the program of the Communist International in such a way that it reached not only the numerically small Communist vanguard as a prospect for the future, but the broad masses of the workers who eagerly grasped at every word uttered by Comrade Dimitroff as an inspiring and mighty call for the mobilization of all forces for the fight against fascism today.
But what program could the agents of the interests of the routed exploiting classes in the Soviet Union proclaim from the prisoners’ dock at the Moscow trial?
The Trotsky-Zinoviev bandits raised their criminal hands against Comrade Stalin because he is the great leader and organizer of the victories of socialism, because for the whole of mankind he is the symbol of socialism which is victorious on one- sixth of the globe. They killed Comrade Kirov, the passionate fighter in the cause of the emancipation of the working class, in the cause of socialism. They resorted to the most despicable methods of fighting against Comrade Stalin and his closest comrades because the victories of socialist construction in the U.S.S.R., the cultural and economic growth of the land of socialism, the joy and happiness of the Soviet people, roused in them the malicious passion to avenge themselves on the Soviet people for their own shameful bankruptcy.
Placing all their hopes on the failure of socialist construction, the gang of Trotskyites and Zinovievites could only have a program which would lead to the restoration of capitalism in the Soviet Union. This, in fact, was their program of home politics. Realizing that they were absolutely impotent to overthrow the Soviet power, the mad Trotsky-Zinoviev dogs banked on the defeat of the Soviet Union in the event of an attack upon it by the fascist states. Counter-revolutionary defeatism—such was their program in foreign politics.
Summing up his counter-revolutionary struggle against the Soviet people and against socialism, Evdokimov, in his last plea, stated:
“Fascism openly and frankly inscribed on its banner: ‘Death to Communism’. On our lips we had all the time ‘Long live Communism’, whereas by our deeds we were fighting socialism which was victorious in the U.S.S.R. In words—‘Long live the Communist Party of the Soviet Union’. In deeds—preparation for the assassination of the members of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Party, one of whom we did kill. In words—‘Down with Imperialism’, in deeds—banking on the defeat of the U.S.S.R. in the struggle against international imperialism.” (Ibid., p. 166.)
Another of the accused, Reingold, relating the aim of the Trotsky-Zinoviev gang and of its collaboration with the Gestapo, ended his speech with the following words:
“I and the whole of the terrorist Trotskyite-Zinovievite organization sitting here have been exposed by this trial as the shock troop, as a White- Guard, fascist shock troop, of the international counter-revolutionary bourgeoisie.” {Ibid., p. 167.)
Even Kamenev, in his final plea, could no longer conceal the actual program of the Trotsky-Zinoviev center. He concluded his speech with the following words:
“Thus we served fascism, thus we organized counter-revolution against socialism; prepared, paved the way for the interventionists. Such was the path we took, and such was the pit of contemptible treachery and all that is loathesome into which we have fallen.” {Ibid., p. 170.)
This is the platform upon which the Trotskyite-Zinovievite
counter-revolutionaries joined with the fascists. That is why international reaction, in its furious campaign against the verdict of the Soviet Court, continues to render Trotsky active support.
But in the prisoners’ dock in the Supreme Court the exposed miscreants preferred to say that they fought for power without a program and without principles rather than display to the world their program of treachery toward the great gains of the socialist revolution.
In Leipzig, Comrade Dimitroff addressed the fascist court as the spokesman of all the workers. All the machinations of the Gestapo to isolate him completely from the outside world, all the tortures of solitary confinement in the fascist jail failed to shake his conviction that he was championing the cause of the whole of the international proletariat, that he was expressing the deep sentiments of the millions of workers of Germany and throughout the world in the fight against fascism. Ruthlessly as Comrade Dimitroff was cooped up in the prison, deeply as the fascist terror drove the German Communist Party, and all the other working class parties in Germany, underground they felt that they were together. Casual meetings in prison with those who had been arrested for uttering the truth about the Leipzig trial, a cartoon in a fascist newspaper of a workers’ demonstration in Paris, and above all, the fact that, in spite of all the horrors and torture which they inflicted, the fascists were unable to bring a single false witness from among the arrested workers—all this appeared to Comrade Dimitroff as the rays of proletarian solidarity breaking through the fascist prison walls, proving that he had the support of millions and tens of millions, that he enjoyed the sympathy of the best of humanity.
Deep Leninist-Stalinist faith in the creative power of the proletariat and in the revolutionary soundness of its class instinct permeated the whole position taken up by Comrade Dimitroff in the enemies’ camp. Inspired by the consciousness of his vital and growing contacts with the masses, he entered into single combat with the monstrous fascist machine of provocation, terror and lies. He showed that his strength lay in the masses. “Mass work, mass struggle, mass resistance, the united front, no adventures—
such is the alpha and omega of Communist tactics”—was the challenge Comrade Dimitroff openly hurled at the fascist court.
But in the Soviet Court the prisoners’ dock was occupied by a gang of murderers despised and execrated by the people of the Soviet Union, to whom they dared not reveal their aims and strivings. The leaders of this gang started their open struggle against the building of socialism in the U.S.S.R. on the hypocritical pretext that it was impossible, that attempts to build socialism would lead to disaster and destruction. The working class of the Soviet Union cast them aside with anger and contempt.
When, however, in spite of all their predictions and counterrevolutionary work, the victory of socialism was achieved on all fronts and the cultural and material level of the toilers began to rise rapidly, the traitors realized that with the liquidation of the exploiting classes they were losing all hope of finding sup port, or even of establishing any sort of connection with the masses in the Land of Soviets. And then, for the sake of their selfish, sordid interests, in order to seize power for themselves, they went against the whole people.
They cynically tried to trample upon its will, they wanted to insult its best and most noble sentiments, its loyalty to the cause of socialism, its preparedness to make any sacrifice for the defense of its socialist motherland, its devoted love for the great organizer of the socialist victories, Comrade Stalin, and his closest comrades. At the trial Kamenev stated:
“I became convinced that the policy of the Party, the policy of its leadership, had been victorious in the only sense in which the political victory in the land of socialism is possible, that this policy was recognized by the masses of the toilers. ... It was no use counting on any kind of serious internal difficulties to secure the overthrow of the leadership which had guided the country through extremely difficult stages, through industrialization and collectivization. Two paths remained: either honestly and completely to put a stop to the struggle against the Party, or to continue this struggle, but without any hope of obtaining any mass support whatsoever, without a political platform, without a banner, that is to say, by means of individual terror. We chose the second path. In this we were guided by our boundless hatred of the leaders of the Party and the country, and by a thirst for power with which we were once so closely associated and from which we were cast aside by the course of historical development.” (Ibid., p. 65.)
Having become irreconcilable enemies of the Soviet people, concealing from the latter their real program, which could only lead to the restoration of capitalism in the Land of Soviets and to its conversion into a colony of the imperialist pirates, the Trotskyite-Zinovievite renegades dared not show their real bandit face to the people of other countries. They fled from the masses, they feared the gaze of the people, they sought safety in the gloom of the counter-revolutionary underground, where they entered into a pact with the agents of the Gestapo. It was here that the stern hand of Soviet justice caught the scoundrels.
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