On the Theoretical Foundations of Marxism-Leninism -1

By ADORATSKY 

( Translation from the Russian by L. KATZ)

The following article is a preface to the first part of Volume VI of the selected works by Lenin, entitled "The Theoretical Foundations of Marx-ism. As a preface it does not offer an exhaustive treatment of the questions at issue but rather it merely presents an introduction to the works of Lenin collected in Volume VI and other Volumes of his selected works. V.A

I. MARXISM-THE THEORY AND TACTICS OF THE REVOLUTIONARY STRUGGLE OF THE PROLETARIAT 

LENIN defines Marxism as the revolutionary theory and tactics of the proletariat in its revolutionary class struggle. The task of the proletariat is "to deliberately and consciously take part in the historic process of the transformation of society, a process that is taking place under our very eyes." (Marx: Mr. Focht, 1860.) 

The proletariat, because of the role it plays in the productive process and in society is destined to play the part of leader, organizer and director of the struggle of all the oppressed and exploited-against capitalism and for Communism.

In 1846 Karl Marx wrote as follows:

"Communism means to us not a state of things, that is to be established, not an ideal, into which reality is to be fitted. To us Communism is an actual movement, that is destroying the present state of things. The state of that movement is determined from day to day by the prevailing objective conditions at the given time and place."

The growth of the working class ( its quantitative growth and also growth of consciousness), large scale production as well as the social character of production-developing already under capitalism -are understood by Marx as being among the determining objective conditions of Communism mentioned above. 

"The development of the productive forces of social labor", says Marx, "is the historic mission as well as the justification of capital. And this in itself is unconsciously creating the material conditions of a higher system of production.» (Capital, Vol. 3, Part I, p. 24-2, ed. 1909.) 

But private ownership of the means of production-that corner-stone of bourgeois society, has become an obstacle, fetters, hindering the further growth of the productive forces. And those fetters can be smashed only by the proletariat after its .conquest of power and establishment of its own dictatorship. It must smash the apparatus of the bourgeois state, it must maintain and save its supremacy in the fire of civil war, it must crush the resistance of the bourgeoisie, it must take hold of all large-scale production in order to rebuild the entire productive system along socialist lines, utilizing at first all available material inherited from capitalism, and on its very ruins proceed as speedily as possible with the development of socialist production at a gigantic pace. 

The proletariat draws along with it also non-proletarian layers of the population, oppressed and exploited by capital. Under the  leadership of the industrial proletariat, during its dictatorship takes place the rebuilding of the entire productive system, the transformation of the small producers into full fledged members of the socialist society. The proletariat thus establishes a new material basis for the social life of humanity and, through class war and with the help of its own dictatorship, abolishes classes and finally reaches a classless form of society. Such is the world historic task of the proletariat. (See State and Revolution, Vol. XXI, p. 384 and others.) 

Of tremendous importance to the revolutionary struggle of the working c of today is revolutionary theory, i. e., those scientific deductions and generalization based on the experiences of the revolution and of the labor movement of all countries. "Without revolutionary theory there can be no revolutionary movement," Lenin used to say. The foundations of that theory were laid by Marx and Engels and were further developed by Lenin. 

The working class of many countries has had the opportunity to check up the correctness of this theory by the experiences of its own struggles during a series of decades. This theory has already played and is destined to again play\ in the future a tremendous role in the struggle of the working class. In Russia, for instance, we would not have been able either to seize, to maintain, or to conceive correctly the problems involved in the building of Socialism, if we did not have the firm and consistent leadership of the Communist Party, a leadership that is based on revolutionary Marxist theory, if the working class would have failed to recognize as correct just that particular leadership. The working class is sure to vanquish the bourgeoisie the world over while guiding itself in its struggles by the theory of Marxism-Leninism.

Marxism does not give out ready-made formulas, to be learned by heart and then to be applied as a cure-all under all and variegated conditions of time. and place ·without any further ado. The theory of Marxism is "not a dogma, but a guide to action." It gives general guidance as to how the struggle of the working · class is to be conducted. Carefully studying all contemporary social phenomena, taking personally a leading part in the labor movement, Marx formed conclusions, charted the general line of development and thus pointed out the inevitable outcome on the basis and in the light of actual experience. He pointed out the inevitability of the revolutionary transformation of capitalist society into a communist one, the leading role of the proletariat in that process, the certainty of an intermediate stage on the road from capitalism to Communism and that the particular form of state during that period would be the dictatorship of the proletariat. Marx, however, could.not fore-see the actual line of march of the world revolution' in all its details and neither did he undertake to solve such a problem.

Marx taught that in order to decide the question of immediate tasks for the given historic moment and the given country under given conditions a thorough study (guided by the method of scientific Communism) and consideration is needed of all the peculiarities of the particular historic situation ( a factor constantly changing) of all the surrounding circumstances as a whole not only inside a given country but in all other countries the world over. 

"Only on the basis of such a study does Marxism consider  it possible to develop through the combined efforts of all thoughtful representatives of the given class, the necessary fund of knowledge and experience' and-aside from knowledge and experience-political acumen for quick and correct decisions of complex political questions. (Lenin: Infantile Sickness of Leftism in Communism, Vol. XXV, p. 210.)

The actual struggle of the masses is the source from which Marxism draws its ideas. The theory of Marxism develops in the most close relation with the mass revolutionary movement. That theory is not based on ideas "discovered or established by this or that universal reformer," it represents-

"merely a general formulations of the actual conditions surrounding the contemporary struggle of classes, the historically significant movement that is taking place before our very eyes." ( Communist Manifesto.)

The theory of Marxism makes clear for the proletariat ''the conditions and the nature of its own acts." (Engels, Anti-Duehring.) The task of the theoretician of the proletariat consists not in inventing socialistic plans but rather in disclosing those conditions for abolishing exploitation that are created in the very process of social and economic developments, in disclosing the road to which life itself is pointing as leading to the .final solution of the problems of the masses that are oppressed by capitalism, in helping in their struggle for Communism, and directing their struggle in a way that society based on exploitation shall be destroyed in the shortest possible time and with die least number of victims from the ranks of the proletariat and all other toilers. As already stated above, the proletariat, by virtue of its position in the system of production and in society, can and must act as organizer of the Communist society. The theory of Marxism should serve the purpose of helping the proletariat "to put an end to all exploitation as speedily and easily as possible.,, 

In this activity mere general declarations are not effective. It is necessary to have precise decisions concerning concrete problems of the daily political struggle and organization. And this requires leadership based on science, foresight, based on deep study of facts; it can be accomplished by guiding oneself by the theory of Marxism -Leninism.

"Only theory," says comrade Stalin, "can give the movement confidence, capacity for orientation and an understanding of the inner logic of contemporary events, because theory and it alone can enable those engaged in the practical struggle to understand not only how and whither the classes moving today but also how and whither they are sure to move in the nearest future.,, (Stalin, The Foundations of Leninism, International Publishers, p. 94.)

As already stated above the struggle of the proletariat is led and directed by its advanced guard-the Communist Party. 

In his article, Our Next Task, published in 1899, Lenin emphasized that the task of a revolutionary proletarian Party

"does not consist in an effort to simply giv-e service to the labor movement, the task is rather to combine Socialism with the labor movement--to impregnate the elemental labor movement with definite socialist ideals, give it socialist convictions which must be on the plane of contemporary science, connect it up with a systematic political struggle for democracy ( this was written six years before the revolution of 1905-V. A.) as a means for the realization of Socialism, in short, to fuse this elemental movement into one homogeneous whole with the activities of the revolutionary Party.  

"The history of Socialism and democracy in Western Europe, the history of the Russian revolutionary movement, the experiences of our labor movement--such is the particular material, that we must master and assimilate in order to be able to construct a rational organization and tactic for our Party." (Lenin Works, Vol. II, pp. 496-497.

And Lenin further pointed out that there can be no such thing as a mechanical transplanting of ready-made formula and their application to suit new and peculiar conditions.

"The adaptation of that material must be done  independently because there are no ready-made patterns.» (Ibid, ,p. 497.) 

Lenin points out that the Russian labor movement exists under conditions entirely different from those of the movement in western Europe, on the other hand, the past revolutionary parties in Russia could not serve as examples. Recognizing

"the necessity to learn from the old Russian experts of revolutionary and conspirative technic"-Lenin used to emphasize that this "does not at all relieve us from the duty to consider them critically and build or organization independently.» (Lenin; Works, Vol. II, p. 497.)

Thus, Lenin, following closely the method of Marx, would determine the context of the theory, would emphasize the necessity of an independent study of each new experience a.r.d also of util-izing everything of value acquired in the course of previous developments. 

We have already stated that, according to Marx, the theoretician of the proletariat should voice the revolutionary problems of the mass movement, directing it as well as learning from it, utilizing the entire experience of the international revolution. Such is the spirit in which Lenin wrote and acted. He placed particular value on those theoreticians who cultivated contact with the masses.

"You can tell a revolutionist-Marxist," wrote Lenin in 1918-"from an ordinary commonplace citizen and petty bourgeois by his skill in preaching to the dark (illiterate) masses the necessity for the coming revolution, making clear its inevitability, explaining its usefulness to the people and preparing the proletariat and all the toiling and exploited masses for it.» (The Proletarian Revolution and Kautsky the Renegade, Vol. XXIII, p. 383.)

Here is emphasized the great importance of the ability to cultivate close contacts with the most backward masses, ability· to draw them into the movement, get them to take up revolutionary positions in order that "the masses themselves, through personal experience, should convince themselves of the correctness of the Party line." This is one of the very basic principles of Leninism. It! was unreservedly assimilated by the program of the Communist Inter-national and is the most distinctive, most characteristic feature of the entire activities of Marx and Lenin.

"The task of Communists," says Lenin, "consists wholly in mastering the art of convincing the backward masses, of working in their midst and not becoming separated from them through childish 'left slogans invented by themselves." (See Infantile Sickness of Leftism in Communism, Vol. XXV, · p. 199.)

The newspaper Retch, discussing in 1914 the struggle of the Bolsheviks against liquidatism, was bewailing "the bringing of dis-cord into the working masses." fo the articles, The Methods Of Struggle of the Bourgeois intellectuals against the Workers, Lenin wrote as follows:

"We greet this 'bringing of discord into the working masses because just those masses and they alone will distinguish quarrels' from mere differences of opinions as such, only they will understand those differences, will form their own opinion, and will decide the question not 'with whom' to go, but where to go, that is the questions of their own, very definite very clear, thoroughly considered, well tested line." (Lenin, Works, Vol. XVII, p. 4.9S.)

The working out of this line, the political enlightenment of the laboring masses must proceed in no other way except "through sustained, consistent struggle to the end, for proletarian influence and aims against those of the bourgeoisie." (Lenin, W arks, Vol. XVII, p 504)

At the same time we should never forget that the masses are learning from their own experience, from life, and not merely from books. 

In one of his prefaces to the Manifesto (German edition, 1890) Engels writes as follows:

"For Marx the only guarantee promulgated in the Manifesto lies in that mental development of the working class, that follows inevitably as a result of common action and discussion. The events and the changing fortunes of the struggle against capital, the victories and more so the defeats inevitably lead the struggling masses to a realization of the complete ineffectiveness of those cure-all quack means which they had held to up till then and make their minds more open to a thorough understanding of the true conditions for the emancipation of the workers."

Thus, out of the actual mass struggle of the proletariat against the bourgeoisie combined with the conscious leadership of that struggle by t!he advanced guard of the proletariat-the Communist Party, emerges scientific Communism, which differs fundamentally from the utopian petty-bourgeois reformist socialism. Scientific Communism is based on the class struggle of the proletariat and on the recognition of the necessity of proletarian dictatorship and not at all on mere good wishes. 

The theory of scientific Communism is Marxism and, its further development under new conditions-Leninism. The theory embracing as it does both general problems of world outlook and of method and also their concrete application, is needed · by the proletariat in its struggle-it imbues the movement with consciousness, assurance and firmness; it relieves those that know how to guide themselves by it of the danger of vacillations, helps in finding the more correct way, helps to attain victory more easily and surely and with greater certainty to consolidate that victory. 

II. LENINISM-ITS INTERNATIONAL SIGNIFICANCE

By· virtue of the close relationship, already mentioned above, that exists between theory and reality, the change in the entire surroundings that have taken place already after the death of Marx and_ Engels, necessarily found their reflex in the theory. The theoretical foundation inherited by Lenin from Marx--dialectic materialism-was further developed by Lenin independently. Lenin had to carry, on his activity in new and different surroundings; and entire series of problems had to be solved in a new way and, guided by the Marxist method he solved the difficult problem of struggle for revolutionary Marxism in the new and complex setting of the epoch of imperialism and of the world proletarian revolution, already set in motion. Not one of the greatest theoreticians and lead-ers of the Second International succeeded in the task of solving this problem after Marx. Only Lenin actually solved it because he was in close contact with the mass movement of the proletariat and mastered the theory of Marxism as no one else did. Lenin expressed the world historic problems of the proletariat most dearly and correctly. Directing its struggles during the course of three revolutions, Lenin pushed ahead and developed the theory of Marx-ism( in all its component parts. With full justification therefore, the term of Leninism is given to Marxism of the latest epoch of imperialism and proletarian revolution. 

The epoch of Lenin was different from the epoch of Marx and Engels. Marx and Engels lived and developed their theory at a time when the proletariat was beginning to act ever more definitely as an independent force, and that prompted the bourgeois to favor compromises with reaction. In 1852, in his pamphlet, The Eighteenth Bonmaire Louis Bonaparte, Marx wrote that in the nineteenth century the beginning of a series of proletarian revolutions will take place. He based his conclusions in this case on his· theoretical deduction arrived at already prior to 184-8 as well as on the experiences of the revolutions of 184-8. In a speech· delivered in the spring of 1856 on the occasion of the anniversary of the English labor newspaper, People's Pa􀀁r, Marx said:

"The so-called revolutions of 1848 were comparatively speaking only small affairs, mere insignificant cracks and folds in the hard crust of bourgeois society. But they revealed a vast new world, under a surface apparently perfectly hard, there was revealed an immense ocean which by a mere overflow is capable of breaking up into bits and swallowing up entire continents. These revolutions proclaimed in a very disorderly and noisy fashion the liberation of the proletariat, thus revealing the secret of the nineteenth century and of its revolution."

And in closing his speech, Marx pointed out:

"The English workers are the first-born of contemporary industry and naturally, therefore, they will not be the last ones within the ranks of those who arc destined to bring forth the fruit of that industry, the revolution. That revolution will mean the liberation of their class throughout the world. It is just as international as the domination of capital and subjugation of labor.

Marx proclaimed the inevitability of the proletarian revolution. However, during the life of Marx and Engels the time for its arrival was not altogether ripe. Marx foresaw that the process of development leads inevitably to monopoly of big capital and stated that fact in his Capital. But the actual widespread supremacy of monopolistic large-scale capital all over the world, that finally culminated in the domination of finance capital in imperialism appeared only after the death of Marx and Engels. In the 60's of the nineteenth century the center of the development and supremacy of large-scale capital ( and of the looting of colonies) was; England .

By the end of the nineteenth and; at the beginning of the twentieth century capitalism attained in a series of other countries even greater strength than in England itself (particularly in Germany and the U. S. A.). All the colonies had already been. grabbed. up by that time. By the end of the nineteenth century a struggle was raging, no more on the issue of a division, but on the issue of a re-division of the globe, a cruel struggle between big imperialistic robber powers. The epoch of imperialism arrived, the· epoch of the merging of the usury and bank capital with industrial capital in the form of finance capital-the epoch of the supremacy of finance capital. The time has arrived, as Lenin expressed it, "of decaying and dying capitalism." As to what are the distinctive features of that condition, the fundamental features of the economics of imperialism, of that newest, latest stage in the development of capitalism, the extensive work of Lenin imperialism-The Final Stage of Capitalism (Works, Vol. XIX, pp. 71-175), and also the article Imperialism and Socialism (Works, Vol. XIX, pp. 301-

Already prior to the imperialist war and particularly at its approach, a revolutionary situation was being created in the countries of old developed capitalism as a result of the pronounced sharpen-ing of capitalist contradictions: increase of cost of living, increase of oppression, worsening of the conditions of the masses of the working class. The revolution was already unfolding itself even before the war. In the countries of the east a series of revolutions began right after the revolucion of 1905 in Russia. In 1906 in Persia, in 1908-1909 in Turkey, in 1911 in China. In the European countries among the signs of an approaching revolution were the very great strikes in England ( the general strike of th railroad workers in 1 911, the strike of mine workers in 1 912), the struggle of the workers in Germany ( the demonstration in favor of universal suffrage in Prussia in 1910), the labor unrest in Russia (protest strikes against the Lena executions of 1912, the strikes during tJle summer of 1913 in Baku and other places, the demonstrations in St. Petersburg, that resulted in armed clashes and even erection of barricades). 

The question of the proletarian revolution became an immediately pressing one in the capitalist countries. All the basic conditions for the transition to Socialism had ripened; the proletarian revolution became objectively necessary. It became necessary to displace the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie with the dictatorship of the proletariat, because out of all the classes of contemporary society, the proletariat alone is capable of leading the toiling masses out of the blind alley into which they had been taken by the ruling bourgeoisie. 

But out of all the labor parties of the world the Party of the Bolsheviks with Lenin at its head proved to be the only one that was actually qualified to solve the problems of leadership of the proletarian revolution. 

In the west-European countries there grew up and got firmly rooted among the labor parties during the long period of reaction begun after the defeat of the Paris Commune in 1871, the habit of having recourse to legal forms of struggle only and along side with it opportunism also grew and developed ; much of "opportunistic dung" ( as Lenin put it) has accumulated. 

One of the important reasons of the firmly established and great-ly increased influence of opportunism was the phenomena, so prev-alent in all the imperialistic countries, of bribing by the capitalists of the upper layers of the working class ( the very small layer of labor aristocracy) out of their super-pro.fit, the proceeds of the looting of colonies and semi-colonies. This caused the growing up within the working class itself of a certain, true, small indeed, layer, sympathetic to the bourgeoisie, the carrier of bourgeoisie influence within the working class.

A sharp tum in the entire setting has taken place at the begin-ning of the imperialist war. In the western countries "free," constitutional, republican-the necessity of an armed uprising, of a transformation of the imperialist war into a civil war, became the order of the day, because it is wholly impossible to break away from the fangs of exploitation in any other way except by means of a bloody struggle. 

Of all the European parties only the Party of the Bolsheviks in Russia had received an adequate preliminary schooling for such a struggle, because in Russia the revolutionary situation began from the middle of the nineteenth century and it began to grow up the mightiest revolutionary movement in Europe. 

In Russia all the contradictions of present period of imperialism were brought together and became their " point of juncture," as it were. There were concentrated both the oppression of enslaved peoples by one of the great powers and the military feudal oppression of czarism-the most beastly form of political oppression in existence at the time. In Russia there was still in existence the system of landowning by a class of nobles, with many remnants of serfdom both in economy (particularly peasant economy), in habits of life, and in political institutions. At the same time there was rapid development of capitalism, a rapid growth of large-scale industry concentrated in a few central points; a working class grew up, bank capital, syndicates and trusts, i.e., the mightiest forms of imperialistic .finance capital, developed (particularly rapidly since 190 5). Alongside of developing peasant war against the noblemen -landowners, grew also the class war of the proletariat against the bourgeoisie. A process of dovetailing of both of these class wars was taking place, which according to Marx, was particularly favorable to a final victory of the proletariat. Already Marx and Engels were pointing out the approach of a revolution in Russia, the extremely rapid development of capitalism in this tremendously large country alongside with the unbearable nature of czarist oppression.

Marx and Engels understood:

1. The great complexity of the social structure of Russia, the presence there of all social forms from the very primitive up to the most modern and up-to-date ("all stages of social development beginning with the primitive commune up to the largest scale industry and mightiest type of contemporary finances," Engels wrote in a letter to V. I. Zasulich in 1885). 

2. They took note of the presence of a revolutionary situation; the revolution is only awaiting the push that will bring tremendously large masses into motion.

3. They foresaw the gigantic force of the revolutionary explo-sion, the inevitability of the very violent bitter character of the coming revolution ("Russia is on the eve of the greatest revolution," Marx wrote to Engels in 1870). 

4. The unheard-of widespread character of the coming clash in the last among the great European countries that is passing through the capitalist industrial revolution ("this time the crash will be of such unheard of magnitude, as has never been equaled; all the elements are there: intensity, universal scope and drawing into the movement of all the propertied and ruling social elements" (Engels to Marx, April 14, l856 ). 

5. The tremendous international significance of the Russian revolution for the world revolution; Marx and Engels never doubted the socialist character of the latter ( see Marx in letter to Engels: Nov. 13, 1859; Feb. 13, 1863; Sept. 27, 1877, etc.). 

Of great importance, both for the Russian revolution and for the working out of the theory. of Lenin, was the circumstance that already there was in existence an extensive accumulated experience in the field of revolution and of the labor movement, and secondly, the theory of Marxism developed and worked out in perfect f ash-ion by Marx and Engels, a theory that was imbibed, assimilated and tested by the revolutionary proletarian Party and by the broad masses. The Party of the Bolsheviks developed and grew strong, during the course of a long drawn-out struggle and revolutions. It imbibed and in its turn\. impressed upon the masses the experience of the international labor movement and of the west-European revolutions. In the infant Sickness of Left  in Communism, Lenin wrote:

"Marxism as the only correct revolutionary theory was attained in Russia only through a half-century long history. of unheard-of travail and sacrifice, through greatest revolutionary heroism and almost incredible energy and devotion in research, study, practical experience, disappointment, checking-up and comparing· with the experience of Europe." (See Vol. XXV, p. 175.)

Aside from this Lenin emphasized the great importance and value of the personal experience and revolutionary hardening acquired by the Bolshevik Party in the course of the long drawn-out struggle with absolutism as well as with the liberal bourgeoisie and also with the petty-bourgeoisie; vacillating and unsteady revolutionaries ( social revolutionaries, anarchists and others), and with ·. all varied tendencies, vacillations, and deviations in its own ranks. These deviations and bourgeois influences upon the proletariat were overcome by a struggle that was carried on against the successively changing forms of opportunism and their various shadings; against economism , Menshevism , liquidationism, social-patriotism, and against those hiding behind "left" phrases--so-called "recallism," "forwardism" ("vperodovstva''), "left Communism," etc., as well as against conciliatory tendencies, which are also a cover for op-portunism and are therefore extremely dangerous. 

We have been discussing here the Russian Revolution in such great detail because precisely in Russia did the Bolshevik Party assume form and attain maturity. But it would be entirely incorrect to think that Bolshevism ( which is the same as Leninism) was based on the Russian experience alone, that it is a purely Russian phenomenon. Leninism was and is based on international experience and is of international significance. 

The revolutionary proletariat of the entire world and all the oppressed masses that are carrying on a struggle against imperialism can attain their freedom only through a proletarian revolution. In Leninism the proletariat finds its theory; a theory that takes note of and throws light on its own experiences and indicates the way the working class is to conduct its struggles, attain victory, seize power, consolidate victories, lead all the toilers in their struggle against exploitation and finally build Socialism. 

In his pamphlet, The.. Proletarian Revolution and Kautsky the Renegade, Lenin has himself pointed out that the reason for the world-wide successes of Bolshevism is because of the profound sympathy of the masses with the revolutionary tactic in practice due to the fact that the revolution is actually ripening all over the world. Enumerating all the accomplishments of Bolshevism, Lenin pointed out that Bolshevik tactics- were based on a correct estimation of the revolutionary situation which was being created throughout the whole of Europe. 

Bolshevism has unmasked; broken away from the old rotten International of socialist traitors, has built up the ideological and tactical principles of the Third International, that take into consideration both the achievements of the epoch of peace as well .as the experiences of the revolutionary epoch, already begun. With the Soviet power as an object lesson Bolshevism has proven that the workers together with the poorest peasants are able to seize power, to def end their rule against attack by the bourgeoisie of the entire world and to build Socialism. 

With Russia as an example the masses the world over have an opportunity to convince themselves that Bolshevism has shown "the correct way out of the terrors of war and imperialism, that Bolshevism has qualified as a model of tactics for all." (Lenin, Vol. XXIII, p. 386.) 

The preliminary training and unflinching fighting capacity of the Bolshevik Party assured a most important international role for Bolshevism in its struggle against opportunism and for the creation of the Third Communist International. Alongside of a crystallization of the experience of the Russian revolution, Bolshevism reflected the experience of the entire international { mainly European) labor movement, that has entered the epoch of a sharpening of all _contradictions. the epoch of socialist revolution. 

Already before the war, as well as during the course of the imperialist war, Lenin took note in his works of the experiences of the entire international struggle. Under the leadership of Lenin, especially after the beginning of the world war in 1914, a stub-born fight was conducted against opportunism throughout the world and in this spirit, in the spirit of revolutionary Marxism, the Communist Parties of all the European countries were growing up, Parties that began to appear as a result of this very struggle of many years duration. In a series of letters to the workers of many countries Lenin illuminated a d clarified the problems of the international revolution, explained the nature of the immediate crucial task of the contemporary historic period, the struggle for the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat throughout the world. Under the, direction of Lenin the Communist International was-,created and the foundations were laid for its program, organization and tactics. 

To sum up, Lenin is the Marxism of the epoch of imperialism and proletarian revolution. During this epoch the entire proletarian movement has been lifted to a new, higher level. The proletariat has grown up quantitatively as well as in organized strength, consciousness and historic activity; it has learned to master the new forms of struggle, having conquered state power and having established its dictatorship in a tremendously large country. In his activities and in his literary works Lenin took note of, reflected and digested all these new phenomena that made their appearance with the new epoch. Directing the struggle of the proletariat under the new conditions, Lenin pushed forward, developed the theory of Marxism, and added something new in all branches of Marxian theory. Leninism, therefore, is a new stage in the development of Marxism.

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On the Theoretical · Foundations of Marxism-Leninism -2